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Definition of proportional electoral system

LB
Luděk Belán
Mon, Aug 28, 2023 10:13 AM

Dear all,
excuse my bad English.

Can the principle that if party "A" gets more votes than party "B" then
party "A" must not get fewer mandates than party "B" be considered a
defining characteristic of a proportional electoral system?

Thank you for your opinions.

Best regards

Luděk Belán

Dear all, excuse my bad English. Can the principle that if party "A" gets more votes than party "B" then party "A" must not get fewer mandates than party "B" be considered a defining characteristic of a proportional electoral system? Thank you for your opinions. Best regards Luděk Belán
KM
Kristofer Munsterhjelm
Mon, Aug 28, 2023 11:20 AM

On 8/28/23 12:13, Luděk Belán wrote:

Dear all,
excuse my bad English.

Can the principle that /if party "A" gets more votes than party "B" then
party "A" must not get fewer mandates than party "B"/ be considered a
defining characteristic of a proportional electoral system?

It doesn't need to imply propoprtionality. Consider the following method:

The first party (by vote count) gets 90% of the seats (mandates).
The second party gets 5%.
The third party gets 2.5%
The fourth party gets 1.25%
The fifth party also gets 1.25%
The rest get nothing.

This is usually not proportional, but if A gets more votes than B, A can
never get fewer seats than B, so it passes your principle.

Most proportional methods would pass your principle, though.

Note that some fail a related principle that "if some people change
their mind and vote for party B instead of A, then A shouldn't gain
seats at the expense of B". That's called population-pair monotonicity
or vote-ratio monotonicity. Wikipedia has an article about it here:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vote-ratio_monotonicity

-km

On 8/28/23 12:13, Luděk Belán wrote: > Dear all, > excuse my bad English. > > Can the principle that /if party "A" gets more votes than party "B" then > party "A" must not get fewer mandates than party "B"/ be considered a > defining characteristic of a proportional electoral system? It doesn't need to imply propoprtionality. Consider the following method: The first party (by vote count) gets 90% of the seats (mandates). The second party gets 5%. The third party gets 2.5% The fourth party gets 1.25% The fifth party also gets 1.25% The rest get nothing. This is usually not proportional, but if A gets more votes than B, A can never get fewer seats than B, so it passes your principle. Most proportional methods would pass your principle, though. Note that some fail a related principle that "if some people change their mind and vote for party B instead of A, then A shouldn't gain seats at the expense of B". That's called population-pair monotonicity or vote-ratio monotonicity. Wikipedia has an article about it here: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vote-ratio_monotonicity -km
LB
Luděk Belán
Mon, Aug 28, 2023 11:46 AM

Thank you for answer.
I didn't express myself accurately. I wanted to know whether the mentioned
principle is a necessary condition of a proportional electoral system, not a
sufficient condition.

Luděk Belán

---------- Původní e-mail ----------
Od: Kristofer Munsterhjelm km_elmet@t-online.de
Komu: Luděk Belán LudekBelan@seznam.cz, election-methods@electorama.com
Datum: 28. 8. 2023 13:23:10
Předmět: Re: [EM] Definition of proportional electoral system
"On 8/28/23 12:13, Luděk Belán wrote:

Dear all,
excuse my bad English.

Can the principle that /if party "A" gets more votes than party "B" then
party "A" must not get fewer mandates than party "B"/ be considered a
defining characteristic of a proportional electoral system?

It doesn't need to imply propoprtionality. Consider the following method:

The first party (by vote count) gets 90% of the seats (mandates).
The second party gets 5%.
The third party gets 2.5%
The fourth party gets 1.25%
The fifth party also gets 1.25%
The rest get nothing.

This is usually not proportional, but if A gets more votes than B, A can
never get fewer seats than B, so it passes your principle.

Most proportional methods would pass your principle, though.

Note that some fail a related principle that "if some people change
their mind and vote for party B instead of A, then A shouldn't gain
seats at the expense of B". That's called population-pair monotonicity
or vote-ratio monotonicity. Wikipedia has an article about it here:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vote-ratio_monotonicity

-km
"

Thank you for answer. I didn't express myself accurately. I wanted to know whether the mentioned principle is a necessary condition of a proportional electoral system, not a sufficient condition. Luděk Belán ---------- Původní e-mail ---------- Od: Kristofer Munsterhjelm <km_elmet@t-online.de> Komu: Luděk Belán <LudekBelan@seznam.cz>, election-methods@electorama.com Datum: 28. 8. 2023 13:23:10 Předmět: Re: [EM] Definition of proportional electoral system "On 8/28/23 12:13, Luděk Belán wrote: > Dear all, > excuse my bad English. > > Can the principle that /if party "A" gets more votes than party "B" then > party "A" must not get fewer mandates than party "B"/ be considered a > defining characteristic of a proportional electoral system? It doesn't need to imply propoprtionality. Consider the following method: The first party (by vote count) gets 90% of the seats (mandates). The second party gets 5%. The third party gets 2.5% The fourth party gets 1.25% The fifth party also gets 1.25% The rest get nothing. This is usually not proportional, but if A gets more votes than B, A can never get fewer seats than B, so it passes your principle. Most proportional methods would pass your principle, though. Note that some fail a related principle that "if some people change their mind and vote for party B instead of A, then A shouldn't gain seats at the expense of B". That's called population-pair monotonicity or vote-ratio monotonicity. Wikipedia has an article about it here: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vote-ratio_monotonicity -km "
KM
Kristofer Munsterhjelm
Mon, Aug 28, 2023 4:35 PM

On 2023-08-28 13:46, Luděk Belán wrote:

Thank you for answer.
I didn't express myself accurately. I wanted to know whether the
mentioned principle is a necessary condition of a proportional electoral
system, not a sufficient condition.

It might be, for quota-based proportional representation.

The Droop proportionality criterion says that if a solid coalition (in
this case, a party) obtains more than 1/(n+1) of the vote, it should get
at least 1/n of the seats.

So if we have two parties for two seats, and one party has more than 33%
of the vote, then it must get at least one seat. Then the other party
also has more than 33% and must get the other seat. So there's no room
for nonmonotonicity in the mono-add-plump sense (i.e. additional votes
for A won't harm A).

For things that generalize Webster and other divisor methods, it's even
easier: the party list case is just Webster (or D'Hondt or etc.), which
themselves are monotone functions and so pass your condition.

Things get a lot messier for ranked voting methods, though, because
"votes for" someone don't neatly map into "support for" everybody in his
party. I'd say the obvious generalized criterion is mono-add-plump (i.e.
if you only use your first preference, then whoever you vote for
shouldn't be harmed), which I'd say that most sensible methods should
pass; but I don't think it's necessary.

So to sum up, I think proportional methods have to pass your condition
in the "party list, each voter chooses one party" case.

-km

On 2023-08-28 13:46, Luděk Belán wrote: > Thank you for answer. > I didn't express myself accurately. I wanted to know whether the > mentioned principle is a necessary condition of a proportional electoral > system, not a sufficient condition. It might be, for quota-based proportional representation. The Droop proportionality criterion says that if a solid coalition (in this case, a party) obtains more than 1/(n+1) of the vote, it should get at least 1/n of the seats. So if we have two parties for two seats, and one party has more than 33% of the vote, then it must get at least one seat. Then the other party also has more than 33% and must get the other seat. So there's no room for nonmonotonicity in the mono-add-plump sense (i.e. additional votes for A won't harm A). For things that generalize Webster and other divisor methods, it's even easier: the party list case is just Webster (or D'Hondt or etc.), which themselves are monotone functions and so pass your condition. Things get a lot messier for ranked voting methods, though, because "votes for" someone don't neatly map into "support for" everybody in his party. I'd say the obvious generalized criterion is mono-add-plump (i.e. if you only use your first preference, then whoever you vote for shouldn't be harmed), which I'd say that most sensible methods should pass; but I don't think it's *necessary*. So to sum up, I think proportional methods have to pass your condition in the "party list, each voter chooses one party" case. -km
LB
Luděk Belán
Mon, Aug 28, 2023 7:10 PM

Thank you, I was primarily interested in the "party list, each voter chooses
one party" case.

LB

---------- Původní e-mail ----------
Od: Kristofer Munsterhjelm km_elmet@t-online.de
Komu: Luděk Belán LudekBelan@seznam.cz
Kopie: election-methods@electorama.com
Datum: 28. 8. 2023 18:39:06
Předmět: Re: [EM] Definition of proportional electoral system
"On 2023-08-28 13:46, Luděk Belán wrote:

Thank you for answer.
I didn't express myself accurately. I wanted to know whether the
mentioned principle is a necessary condition of a proportional electoral
system, not a sufficient condition.

It might be, for quota-based proportional representation.

The Droop proportionality criterion says that if a solid coalition (in
this case, a party) obtains more than 1/(n+1) of the vote, it should get
at least 1/n of the seats.

So if we have two parties for two seats, and one party has more than 33%
of the vote, then it must get at least one seat. Then the other party
also has more than 33% and must get the other seat. So there's no room
for nonmonotonicity in the mono-add-plump sense (i.e. additional votes
for A won't harm A).

For things that generalize Webster and other divisor methods, it's even
easier: the party list case is just Webster (or D'Hondt or etc.), which
themselves are monotone functions and so pass your condition.

Things get a lot messier for ranked voting methods, though, because
"votes for" someone don't neatly map into "support for" everybody in his
party. I'd say the obvious generalized criterion is mono-add-plump (i.e.
if you only use your first preference, then whoever you vote for
shouldn't be harmed), which I'd say that most sensible methods should
pass; but I don't think it's necessary.

So to sum up, I think proportional methods have to pass your condition
in the "party list, each voter chooses one party" case.

-km
"

Thank you, I was primarily interested in the "party list, each voter chooses one party" case. LB ---------- Původní e-mail ---------- Od: Kristofer Munsterhjelm <km_elmet@t-online.de> Komu: Luděk Belán <LudekBelan@seznam.cz> Kopie: election-methods@electorama.com Datum: 28. 8. 2023 18:39:06 Předmět: Re: [EM] Definition of proportional electoral system "On 2023-08-28 13:46, Luděk Belán wrote: > Thank you for answer. > I didn't express myself accurately. I wanted to know whether the > mentioned principle is a necessary condition of a proportional electoral > system, not a sufficient condition. It might be, for quota-based proportional representation. The Droop proportionality criterion says that if a solid coalition (in this case, a party) obtains more than 1/(n+1) of the vote, it should get at least 1/n of the seats. So if we have two parties for two seats, and one party has more than 33% of the vote, then it must get at least one seat. Then the other party also has more than 33% and must get the other seat. So there's no room for nonmonotonicity in the mono-add-plump sense (i.e. additional votes for A won't harm A). For things that generalize Webster and other divisor methods, it's even easier: the party list case is just Webster (or D'Hondt or etc.), which themselves are monotone functions and so pass your condition. Things get a lot messier for ranked voting methods, though, because "votes for" someone don't neatly map into "support for" everybody in his party. I'd say the obvious generalized criterion is mono-add-plump (i.e. if you only use your first preference, then whoever you vote for shouldn't be harmed), which I'd say that most sensible methods should pass; but I don't think it's *necessary*. So to sum up, I think proportional methods have to pass your condition in the "party list, each voter chooses one party" case. -km "