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St. Louis and Pushover (Re: Reply to Rob regarding RCV)

C
C.Benham
Sat, Sep 30, 2023 8:07 AM

Rob,

A question for Chris (anyone who cares to answer), what's the best
explanation of pushover at a public URL that seems reasonably academically
rigorous (e.g. something that seems like it would pass muster as a citation
on English Wikipedia)?

Blake Cretney (who used to be active here) had a web-page
("condorcet.org" I think it was called)
that is unfortunately now extinct. I regret not copying and storing the
definitions/explanations that
were there.

That is where "Push-over" strategy was defined.  As I recall it said
something simple like
"the strategy of promoting a weak alternative for it to be beaten by a
preferred stronger one".

But really I think we are in the realm of common-sense and the bleeding
obvious rather than being
in awe of and deferring to academic authority.  Whatever it is exactly
called, in the US political system
it must be commonplace.

Because (at least in some states) you have open public party primaries.
Suppose you are a supporter
of party A, and either you are happy with all the candidates running in
A's primary election (or you are
confidant that your favourite can win that primary without your help, or
something in between) and so
you decide to instead vote in main rival party B's primary to vote not
for your sincere lesser evil but for
the candidate you think would have the smallest chance of beating the A
candidate in the general election.

You would be using a Push-over strategy.

Likewise suppose the method is plurality Top-Two Runoff.  If you are
confident that your favorite can make
it into the top two without your help then in the first round you might
vote for a candidate (of course preferably
among the other front-runners for the second spot) that you think most
likely to lose in the runoff against your
favourite. Then in the final you can vote sincerely.

If the method is approval TTR, things are much easier for the pushover
strategists because they don't have to rely on
on other voters to get their favourite into the final two, and also they
don't have to limit themselves to promoting
just one weak candidate.

If you only care about electing your favourite, the obvious strategy is
to approve your favourite and all the candidates
that you are confident can neither displace your favourite out of the
top two or pairwise beat your favourite in the final.

SCORE is similar.  There one can choose between maximising the chance
that a weak candidate will get in to the final two,
or weakening your vote for the weak candidate to just below maximum (4
instead of 5) so as to help your favourite win the
top-two pairwise comparison.

In comparison with the methods I've so far mentioned in RCV (fka IRV)
the would-be pushover strategists face the greatest
problems and risks. They have to rely entirely on other voters to both
get their sincere favourite into the final top two and
also to overcome the strategists' own votes, for the strategists'
sincere favourite to win the final two comparison.

That electowiki entry you linked to:

   Pushover[edit
   <https://electowiki.org/w/index.php?title=Tactical_voting&veaction=edit&section=4>|edit
   source
   <https://electowiki.org/w/index.php?title=Tactical_voting&action=edit&section=4>]

Push-overis a type of tactical voting that is only useful in methods
that violatemonotonicity https://electowiki.org/wiki/Monotonicity.
It may involve a voter ranking or rating an alternative lower in the
hope of getting it elected, or ranking or rating an alternative higher
in the hope of defeating it. Also known as aparadoxicalstrategy.
Note that it is usually very difficult to successfully pull off, and
often backfires (i.e. elects the pushed over candidate).

The first sentence looks like something I recall from that extinct page.
It is correct in the universe of pure ranking methods. But according to
apparent consensus here
(and a wikipedia page you linked to)  SCORE somehow doesn't "violate
monotonicity" and yet (as I've discussed) is more vulnerable to Pushover
than RCV (aka IRV)
which does.

Regarding the last bit, I've no idea how the author would know that it
"often backfires", or have any idea how "often" it is attempted.

Chris Benham

Rob Lanphierroblan at gmail.com
mailto:election-methods%40lists.electorama.com?Subject=Re%3A%20%5BEM%5D%20St.%20Louis%20and%20Pushover%20%28Re%3A%20Reply%20to%20Rob%20regarding%20RCV%29&In-Reply-To=%3CCAK9hOYnPv5QaWnZhEhgAK6P08XyHdA1ew1p2fRn%2B0jD58DsUkA%40mail.gmail.com%3E
/Tue Sep 26 21:39:35 PDT 2023/

Hi Chris

Regarding former St. Louis resident Lewis Reed's preference of voting
system, I'm not sure.  I suspect he was selling his preference to the
highest bidder, and since he was still the President of the St. Louis Board
of Aldermen, he presumably had influence in STL politics (until the bribery
case in court made him politically radioactive).  Whatever remaining
influence Reed may still have is waning with every day he spends in an
Arkansas prison, where I believe he lives today. Something tells me that
electoral reform is the least of Reed's worries in 2023.

Regarding approval's potential vulnerability to pushover when used in a
top-two primary, I'm personally not very concerned about the theoretical
possibility.  Perhaps in the far future, we'll have really sophisticated
voters who understand how to strategically influence the primary in a way
that causes top-two approval to fail in a way that causes problems.  My
sense is that St. Louis (which uses top-two approval) has bigger problems
than sophisticated attempts at "pushover"

I believe that St. Louis voters just wanted a good mayor in 2021, and
approved many competitors to Lewis Reed (including Tishaura Jones and Cara
Spencer).  From my analysis, it looks like the wealthier voters in the
southern portion of St. Louis (i.e. the type that pay handsomely for
produce at farmers' markets in mall parking lots on the weekends to assuage
their guilt for the collapse of the independent farming in the United
States) voted for Cara Spencer.  The voters in the northern part of the
city (in the floodplain at the confluence of the Missouri and Mississippi
Rivers, which USUALLY doesn't flood very much) voted for Tishaura Jones.
Given the demographics of St. Louis (43% Black, 42.9% non-Hispanic White,
5.1% Hispanic, 4.1% Asian, 1.0% Hispanic White), it seems like a Tishaura
Jones was a great choice to succeed their longtime White mayor.  Northern
St. Louis is largely Black and Hispanic, and it's in really rough shape,
despite having some fantastic old brick houses and lots of fantastic real
estate that is available for very little money (see <
https://youtu.be/SPyjYQALnrE>).  Jones is the first Black mayor of St.
Louis since 2001, and third Black mayor that the city has ever had (and the
first Black woman in the role).

Based on my cursory research, I'm not sure the "pushover" phenomenon is
well known outside of the jargon-speaking electoral reform community (and
perhaps not even here).  Note that the electowiki section about pushover
has no citations, and the "push over" section of a similar article on
English Wikipedia even has the infamous "citation needed" tag:

 -https://electowiki.org/wiki/Tactical_voting#Pushover
 -
 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tactical_manipulation_of_runoff_voting#Push_over

Note: the "Push over" section appears to have had the "citation needed"
banner on it since 2009, which means that said banner is almost old enough
to get its driver's licence in many places.  I have a hard time taking the
criterion too seriously given that it doesn't seem to warrant its own
article on English Wikipedia.  It seems all of the important ones have
articles:

 -
 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Comparison_of_electoral_systems#Compliance_of_selected_single-winner_methods

A question for Chris (anyone who cares to answer), what's the best
explanation of pushover at a public URL that seems reasonably academically
rigorous (e.g. something that seems like it would pass muster as a citation
on English Wikipedia)?

Rob

p.s. having driven through St. Louis many times (and even stayed there a
couple of nights), it's not hard to guess where the powers-that-be drew the
red lines:
https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/366759e8b76c46efbf6ff9e8fff3ac0b

Rob, > A question for Chris (anyone who cares to answer), what's the best > explanation of pushover at a public URL that seems reasonably academically > rigorous (e.g. something that seems like it would pass muster as a citation > on English Wikipedia)? Blake Cretney (who used to be active here) had a web-page ("condorcet.org" I think it was called) that is unfortunately now extinct. I regret not copying and storing the definitions/explanations that were there. That is where "Push-over" strategy was defined.  As I recall it said something simple like "the strategy of promoting a weak alternative for it to be beaten by a preferred stronger one". But really I think we are in the realm of common-sense and the bleeding obvious rather than being in awe of and deferring to academic authority.  Whatever it is exactly called, in the US political system it must be commonplace. Because (at least in some states) you have open public party primaries. Suppose you are a supporter of party A, and either you are happy with all the candidates running in A's primary election (or you are confidant that your favourite can win that primary without your help, or something in between) and so you decide to instead vote in main rival party B's primary to vote not for your sincere lesser evil but for the candidate you think would have the smallest chance of beating the A candidate in the general election. You would be using a Push-over strategy. Likewise suppose the method is plurality Top-Two Runoff.  If you are confident that your favorite can make it into the top two without your help then in the first round you might vote for a candidate (of course preferably among the other front-runners for the second spot) that you think most likely to lose in the runoff against your favourite. Then in the final you can vote sincerely. If the method is approval TTR, things are much easier for the pushover strategists because they don't have to rely on on other voters to get their favourite into the final two, and also they don't have to limit themselves to promoting just one weak candidate. If you only care about electing your favourite, the obvious strategy is to approve your favourite and all the candidates that you are confident can neither displace your favourite out of the top two or pairwise beat your favourite in the final. SCORE is similar.  There one can choose between maximising the chance that a weak candidate will get in to the final two, or weakening your vote for the weak candidate to just below maximum (4 instead of 5) so as to help your favourite win the top-two pairwise comparison. In comparison with the methods I've so far mentioned in RCV (fka IRV) the would-be pushover strategists face the greatest problems and risks. They have to rely entirely on other voters to both get their sincere favourite into the final top two and also to overcome the strategists' own votes, for the strategists' sincere favourite to win the final two comparison. That electowiki entry you linked to: > > Pushover[edit > <https://electowiki.org/w/index.php?title=Tactical_voting&veaction=edit&section=4>|edit > source > <https://electowiki.org/w/index.php?title=Tactical_voting&action=edit&section=4>] > > *Push-over*is a type of tactical voting that is only useful in methods > that violatemonotonicity <https://electowiki.org/wiki/Monotonicity>. > It may involve a voter ranking or rating an alternative lower in the > hope of getting it elected, or ranking or rating an alternative higher > in the hope of defeating it. Also known as a*paradoxical*strategy. > Note that it is usually very difficult to successfully pull off, and > often backfires (i.e. elects the pushed over candidate). > The first sentence looks like something I recall from that extinct page. It is correct in the universe of pure ranking methods. But according to apparent consensus here (and a wikipedia page you linked to)  SCORE somehow doesn't "violate monotonicity" and yet (as I've discussed) is more vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does. Regarding the last bit, I've no idea how the author would know that it "often backfires", or have any idea how "often" it is attempted. Chris Benham > > *Rob Lanphier*roblan at gmail.com > <mailto:election-methods%40lists.electorama.com?Subject=Re%3A%20%5BEM%5D%20St.%20Louis%20and%20Pushover%20%28Re%3A%20Reply%20to%20Rob%20regarding%20RCV%29&In-Reply-To=%3CCAK9hOYnPv5QaWnZhEhgAK6P08XyHdA1ew1p2fRn%2B0jD58DsUkA%40mail.gmail.com%3E> > /Tue Sep 26 21:39:35 PDT 2023/ > ------------------------------------------------------------------------ > Hi Chris > > Regarding former St. Louis resident Lewis Reed's preference of voting > system, I'm not sure. I suspect he was selling his preference to the > highest bidder, and since he was still the President of the St. Louis Board > of Aldermen, he presumably had influence in STL politics (until the bribery > case in court made him politically radioactive). Whatever remaining > influence Reed may still have is waning with every day he spends in an > Arkansas prison, where I believe he lives today. Something tells me that > electoral reform is the least of Reed's worries in 2023. > > Regarding approval's potential vulnerability to pushover when used in a > top-two primary, I'm personally not very concerned about the theoretical > possibility. Perhaps in the far future, we'll have really sophisticated > voters who understand how to strategically influence the primary in a way > that causes top-two approval to fail in a way that causes problems. My > sense is that St. Louis (which uses top-two approval) has bigger problems > than sophisticated attempts at "pushover" > > I believe that St. Louis voters just wanted a good mayor in 2021, and > approved many competitors to Lewis Reed (including Tishaura Jones and Cara > Spencer). From my analysis, it looks like the wealthier voters in the > southern portion of St. Louis (i.e. the type that pay handsomely for > produce at farmers' markets in mall parking lots on the weekends to assuage > their guilt for the collapse of the independent farming in the United > States) voted for Cara Spencer. The voters in the northern part of the > city (in the floodplain at the confluence of the Missouri and Mississippi > Rivers, which USUALLY doesn't flood very much) voted for Tishaura Jones. > Given the demographics of St. Louis (43% Black, 42.9% non-Hispanic White, > 5.1% Hispanic, 4.1% Asian, 1.0% Hispanic White), it seems like a Tishaura > Jones was a great choice to succeed their longtime White mayor. Northern > St. Louis is largely Black and Hispanic, and it's in really rough shape, > despite having some fantastic old brick houses and lots of fantastic real > estate that is available for very little money (see < > https://youtu.be/SPyjYQALnrE>). Jones is the first Black mayor of St. > Louis since 2001, and third Black mayor that the city has ever had (and the > first Black woman in the role). > > Based on my cursory research, I'm not sure the "pushover" phenomenon is > well known outside of the jargon-speaking electoral reform community (and > perhaps not even here). Note that the electowiki section about pushover > has no citations, and the "push over" section of a similar article on > English Wikipedia even has the infamous "citation needed" tag: > > -https://electowiki.org/wiki/Tactical_voting#Pushover > - > https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tactical_manipulation_of_runoff_voting#Push_over > > Note: the "Push over" section appears to have had the "citation needed" > banner on it since 2009, which means that said banner is almost old enough > to get its driver's licence in many places. I have a hard time taking the > criterion too seriously given that it doesn't seem to warrant its own > article on English Wikipedia. It seems all of the important ones have > articles: > > - > https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Comparison_of_electoral_systems#Compliance_of_selected_single-winner_methods > > A question for Chris (anyone who cares to answer), what's the best > explanation of pushover at a public URL that seems reasonably academically > rigorous (e.g. something that seems like it would pass muster as a citation > on English Wikipedia)? > > Rob > > p.s. having driven through St. Louis many times (and even stayed there a > couple of nights), it's not hard to guess where the powers-that-be drew the > red lines: > https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/366759e8b76c46efbf6ff9e8fff3ac0b
KM
Kristofer Munsterhjelm
Sat, Sep 30, 2023 3:16 PM

On 2023-09-30 10:07, C.Benham wrote:

Rob,

A question for Chris (anyone who cares to answer), what's the best
explanation of pushover at a public URL that seems reasonably academically
rigorous (e.g. something that seems like it would pass muster as a citation
on English Wikipedia)?

Blake Cretney (who used to be active here) had a web-page
("condorcet.org" I think it was called)
that is unfortunately now extinct. I regret not copying and storing the
definitions/explanations that
were there.

It's still available on the Internet Archive:
https://web.archive.org/web/20090713234702/http://www.condorcet.org:80/emr/defn.shtml

The push-over definition says: "The strategy of ranking a weak
alternative higher than one's preferred alternative, which may be useful
in a method that violates monotonicity."

SCORE is similar.  There one can choose between maximising the chance
that a weak candidate will get in to the final two,
or weakening your vote for the weak candidate to just below maximum (4
instead of 5) so as to help your favourite win the
top-two pairwise comparison.

Do you mean STAR? Score voting (Range voting) is monotone.

-km

On 2023-09-30 10:07, C.Benham wrote: > Rob, > >> A question for Chris (anyone who cares to answer), what's the best >> explanation of pushover at a public URL that seems reasonably academically >> rigorous (e.g. something that seems like it would pass muster as a citation >> on English Wikipedia)? > > Blake Cretney (who used to be active here) had a web-page > ("condorcet.org" I think it was called) > that is unfortunately now extinct. I regret not copying and storing the > definitions/explanations that > were there. It's still available on the Internet Archive: https://web.archive.org/web/20090713234702/http://www.condorcet.org:80/emr/defn.shtml The push-over definition says: "The strategy of ranking a weak alternative higher than one's preferred alternative, which may be useful in a method that violates monotonicity." > SCORE is similar.  There one can choose between maximising the chance > that a weak candidate will get in to the final two, > or weakening your vote for the weak candidate to just below maximum (4 > instead of 5) so as to help your favourite win the > top-two pairwise comparison. Do you mean STAR? Score voting (Range voting) is monotone. -km
RL
Rob Lanphier
Sun, Oct 1, 2023 8:44 AM

Hi Chris,

I'm going to reply to your original email (and quote it on the bottom).
I'm going to replace "SCORE" with "[STAR]" in your email, because you
agreed in an earlier mail that's what you meant

I have a lot clearer idea of what the "pushover" strategy is now, thanks
(at least partially) to your email (thank you!).  My hunch is that the
pushover strategy may not be as well-studied, but it may be that there's
different terminology used in academic circles (perhaps "pied piper"...see
below).  I'm assuming from your email address that you're Australian.  Is
"pushover" strategy common in Australian elections, and commonly named by
that name?  My hunch is that pushover is a bigger problem in IRV/RCV/STV
than it is in more consensus-oriented election methods (like approval, any
Condorcet system, STAR).  I ask this because we don't talk about "pushover"
here in the United States, but it wouldn't surprise me if Australians talk
about it a lot.  We don't have very many places using STV/IRV/RCV, and the
politics of those places (e.g. San Francisco, Cambridge Mass) are treated
like outliers in mainstream political conversation.  San Francisco has
weird politics (which I assert from my office in San Francisco)

There are more places that use "top-two open primary" (like California and
Washington state).  "Pushover" hasn't (yet) made it into the mainstream
political lexicon in either place (that I know of), but I do know that in
2022, the Democratic Party here made a point of trying pushover against the
Republicans in regular first-past-the-post primaries :
https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/09/12/democrats-interfere-republican-primaries/

It was a risky strategy, but (I'm sad to say) it probably worked in 2022.
It failed for Hillary Clinton in 2016 though (see this 2016 article about
Clinton's "pied-piper strategy"):
https://www.salon.com/2016/11/09/the-hillary-clinton-campaign-intentionally-created-donald-trump-with-its-pied-piper-strategy/

This claim you make is interesting:
"[STAR] somehow doesn't 'violate monotonicity' and yet [...] is more
vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does.".

Is that true?  It seems to me that RCV's series of runoffs lead to many
opportunities for weak candidates to snowball via transfers from eliminated
candidates.  The snowball effect in RCV usually snowballs to the center of
public opinion, but can sometimes roll toward the outskirts as candidates
get eliminated and their ballots get transferred to a stronger and stronger
candidate on the outskirts.  With STAR (and Score), I believe the candidate
needs to have strong support from all voters to get a high enough score to
advance (since all ballots are considered in the runoff round), but perhaps
similar polarization can occur under STAR over time.  It's truly an
interesting question which method is more susceptible to pushover.

As for the monotonicity of STAR, I'll need to leave it as an exercise for
the reader.  I'm not sure anyone has proven that STAR is monotonic, though
I suspect that an example of non-monotonic STAR would be a really weird
edge-case.

Rob
p.s. I've replaced "SCORE" with "[STAR]", but won't correct your spelling
of "maximising" nor "favourite", even though my spell checker really wants
me to.  English-speaking people are one people, separated by common
language.  :-)

On Sat, Sep 30, 2023 at 1:07 AM C.Benham cbenham@adam.com.au wrote:

Rob,

A question for Chris (anyone who cares to answer), what's the best
explanation of pushover at a public URL that seems reasonably academically
rigorous (e.g. something that seems like it would pass muster as a citation
on English Wikipedia)?

Blake Cretney (who used to be active here) had a web-page  ("condorcet.org"
I think it was called)
that is unfortunately now extinct. I regret not copying and storing the
definitions/explanations that
were there.

That is where "Push-over" strategy was defined.  As I recall it said
something simple like
"the strategy of promoting a weak alternative for it to be beaten by a
preferred stronger one".

But really I think we are in the realm of common-sense and the bleeding
obvious rather than being
in awe of and deferring to academic authority.  Whatever it is exactly
called, in the US political system it must be commonplace.

Because (at least in some states) you have open public party primaries.
Suppose you are a supporter of party A, and either you are happy with all
the candidates running in A's primary election (or you are confidant that
your favourite can win that primary without your help, or something in
between) and so you decide to instead vote in main rival party B's primary
to vote not for your sincere lesser evil but for the candidate you think
would have the smallest chance of beating the A candidate in the general
election.

You would be using a Push-over strategy.

Likewise suppose the method is plurality Top-Two Runoff.  If you are
confident that your favorite can make it into the top two without your help
then in the first round you might vote for a candidate (of course
preferably among the other front-runners for the second spot) that you
think most likely to lose in the runoff against your favourite. Then in the
final you can vote sincerely.

If the method is approval TTR, things are much easier for the pushover
strategists because they don't have to rely on on other voters to get their
favourite into the final two, and also they don't have to limit themselves
to promoting just one weak candidate.

If you only care about electing your favourite, the obvious strategy is to
approve your favourite and all the candidates that you are confident can
neither displace your favourite out of the top two or pairwise beat your
favourite in the final.

[STAR] is similar.  There one can choose between maximising the chance
that a weak candidate will get in to the final two, or weakening your vote
for the weak candidate to just below maximum (4 instead of 5) so as to help
your favourite win the top-two pairwise comparison.

In comparison with the methods I've so far mentioned in RCV (fka IRV) the
would-be pushover strategists face the greatest problems and risks. They
have to rely entirely on other voters to both get their sincere favourite
into the final top two and also to overcome the strategists' own votes, for
the strategists' sincere favourite to win the final two comparison.

That electowiki entry you linked to:

Pushover[edit
https://electowiki.org/w/index.php?title=Tactical_voting&veaction=edit&section=4
| edit source
https://electowiki.org/w/index.php?title=Tactical_voting&action=edit&section=4
]

Push-over is a type of tactical voting that is only useful in methods
that violate monotonicity https://electowiki.org/wiki/Monotonicity. It
may involve a voter ranking or rating an alternative lower in the hope of
getting it elected, or ranking or rating an alternative higher in the hope
of defeating it. Also known as a paradoxical strategy. Note that it is
usually very difficult to successfully pull off, and often backfires (i.e.
elects the pushed over candidate).

The first sentence looks like something I recall from that extinct page.
It is correct in the universe of pure ranking methods. But according to
apparent consensus here (and a wikipedia page you linked to)  [STAR]
somehow doesn't "violate monotonicity" and yet (as I've discussed) is more
vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does.

Regarding the last bit, I've no idea how the author would know that it
"often backfires", or have any idea how "often" it is attempted.

Chris Benham

Rob Lanphier roblan at gmail.com
<election-methods%40lists.electorama.com?Subject=Re%3A%20%5BEM%5D%20St.%20Louis%20and%20Pushover%20%28Re%3A%20Reply%20to%20Rob%20regarding%20RCV%29&In-Reply-To=%3CCAK9hOYnPv5QaWnZhEhgAK6P08XyHdA1ew1p2fRn%2B0jD58DsUkA%40mail.gmail.com%3E>
Tue Sep 26 21:39:35 PDT 2023

Hi Chris

Regarding former St. Louis resident Lewis Reed's preference of voting
system, I'm not sure.  I suspect he was selling his preference to the
highest bidder, and since he was still the President of the St. Louis Board
of Aldermen, he presumably had influence in STL politics (until the bribery
case in court made him politically radioactive).  Whatever remaining
influence Reed may still have is waning with every day he spends in an
Arkansas prison, where I believe he lives today. Something tells me that
electoral reform is the least of Reed's worries in 2023.

Regarding approval's potential vulnerability to pushover when used in a
top-two primary, I'm personally not very concerned about the theoretical
possibility.  Perhaps in the far future, we'll have really sophisticated
voters who understand how to strategically influence the primary in a way
that causes top-two approval to fail in a way that causes problems.  My
sense is that St. Louis (which uses top-two approval) has bigger problems
than sophisticated attempts at "pushover"

I believe that St. Louis voters just wanted a good mayor in 2021, and
approved many competitors to Lewis Reed (including Tishaura Jones and Cara
Spencer).  From my analysis, it looks like the wealthier voters in the
southern portion of St. Louis (i.e. the type that pay handsomely for
produce at farmers' markets in mall parking lots on the weekends to assuage
their guilt for the collapse of the independent farming in the United
States) voted for Cara Spencer.  The voters in the northern part of the
city (in the floodplain at the confluence of the Missouri and Mississippi
Rivers, which USUALLY doesn't flood very much) voted for Tishaura Jones.
Given the demographics of St. Louis (43% Black, 42.9% non-Hispanic White,
5.1% Hispanic, 4.1% Asian, 1.0% Hispanic White), it seems like a Tishaura
Jones was a great choice to succeed their longtime White mayor.  Northern
St. Louis is largely Black and Hispanic, and it's in really rough shape,
despite having some fantastic old brick houses and lots of fantastic real
estate that is available for very little money (see https://youtu.be/SPyjYQALnrE).  Jones is the first Black mayor of St.
Louis since 2001, and third Black mayor that the city has ever had (and the
first Black woman in the role).

Based on my cursory research, I'm not sure the "pushover" phenomenon is
well known outside of the jargon-speaking electoral reform community (and
perhaps not even here).  Note that the electowiki section about pushover
has no citations, and the "push over" section of a similar article on
English Wikipedia even has the infamous "citation needed" tag:

- https://electowiki.org/wiki/Tactical_voting#Pushover
-
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tactical_manipulation_of_runoff_voting#Push_over

Note: the "Push over" section appears to have had the "citation needed"
banner on it since 2009, which means that said banner is almost old enough
to get its driver's licence in many places.  I have a hard time taking the
criterion too seriously given that it doesn't seem to warrant its own
article on English Wikipedia.  It seems all of the important ones have
articles:

-
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Comparison_of_electoral_systems#Compliance_of_selected_single-winner_methods

A question for Chris (anyone who cares to answer), what's the best
explanation of pushover at a public URL that seems reasonably academically
rigorous (e.g. something that seems like it would pass muster as a citation
on English Wikipedia)?

Rob

p.s. having driven through St. Louis many times (and even stayed there a
couple of nights), it's not hard to guess where the powers-that-be drew the
red lines:https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/366759e8b76c46efbf6ff9e8fff3ac0b


Election-Methods mailing list - see https://electorama.com/em for list
info

Hi Chris, I'm going to reply to your original email (and quote it on the bottom). I'm going to replace "SCORE" with "[STAR]" in your email, because you agreed in an earlier mail that's what you meant I have a lot clearer idea of what the "pushover" strategy is now, thanks (at least partially) to your email (thank you!). My hunch is that the pushover strategy may not be as well-studied, but it may be that there's different terminology used in academic circles (perhaps "pied piper"...see below). I'm assuming from your email address that you're Australian. Is "pushover" strategy common in Australian elections, and commonly named by that name? My hunch is that pushover is a bigger problem in IRV/RCV/STV than it is in more consensus-oriented election methods (like approval, any Condorcet system, STAR). I ask this because we don't talk about "pushover" here in the United States, but it wouldn't surprise me if Australians talk about it a lot. We don't have very many places using STV/IRV/RCV, and the politics of those places (e.g. San Francisco, Cambridge Mass) are treated like outliers in mainstream political conversation. San Francisco has weird politics (which I assert from my office in San Francisco) There are more places that use "top-two open primary" (like California and Washington state). "Pushover" hasn't (yet) made it into the mainstream political lexicon in either place (that I know of), but I do know that in 2022, the Democratic Party here made a point of trying pushover against the Republicans in regular first-past-the-post primaries : https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/09/12/democrats-interfere-republican-primaries/ It was a risky strategy, but (I'm sad to say) it probably worked in 2022. It failed for Hillary Clinton in 2016 though (see this 2016 article about Clinton's "pied-piper strategy"): https://www.salon.com/2016/11/09/the-hillary-clinton-campaign-intentionally-created-donald-trump-with-its-pied-piper-strategy/ This claim you make is interesting: "[STAR] somehow doesn't 'violate monotonicity' and yet [...] is more vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does.". Is that true? It seems to me that RCV's series of runoffs lead to many opportunities for weak candidates to snowball via transfers from eliminated candidates. The snowball effect in RCV usually snowballs to the center of public opinion, but can sometimes roll toward the outskirts as candidates get eliminated and their ballots get transferred to a stronger and stronger candidate on the outskirts. With STAR (and Score), I believe the candidate needs to have strong support from all voters to get a high enough score to advance (since all ballots are considered in the runoff round), but perhaps similar polarization can occur under STAR over time. It's truly an interesting question which method is more susceptible to pushover. As for the monotonicity of STAR, I'll need to leave it as an exercise for the reader. I'm not sure anyone has proven that STAR is monotonic, though I suspect that an example of non-monotonic STAR would be a really weird edge-case. Rob p.s. I've replaced "SCORE" with "[STAR]", but won't correct your spelling of "maximising" nor "favourite", even though my spell checker really wants me to. English-speaking people are one people, separated by common language. :-) On Sat, Sep 30, 2023 at 1:07 AM C.Benham <cbenham@adam.com.au> wrote: > Rob, > > A question for Chris (anyone who cares to answer), what's the best > explanation of pushover at a public URL that seems reasonably academically > rigorous (e.g. something that seems like it would pass muster as a citation > on English Wikipedia)? > > > Blake Cretney (who used to be active here) had a web-page ("condorcet.org" > I think it was called) > that is unfortunately now extinct. I regret not copying and storing the > definitions/explanations that > were there. > > That is where "Push-over" strategy was defined. As I recall it said > something simple like > "the strategy of promoting a weak alternative for it to be beaten by a > preferred stronger one". > > But really I think we are in the realm of common-sense and the bleeding > obvious rather than being > in awe of and deferring to academic authority. Whatever it is exactly > called, in the US political system it must be commonplace. > > Because (at least in some states) you have open public party primaries. > Suppose you are a supporter of party A, and either you are happy with all > the candidates running in A's primary election (or you are confidant that > your favourite can win that primary without your help, or something in > between) and so you decide to instead vote in main rival party B's primary > to vote not for your sincere lesser evil but for the candidate you think > would have the smallest chance of beating the A candidate in the general > election. > > You would be using a Push-over strategy. > > Likewise suppose the method is plurality Top-Two Runoff. If you are > confident that your favorite can make it into the top two without your help > then in the first round you might vote for a candidate (of course > preferably among the other front-runners for the second spot) that you > think most likely to lose in the runoff against your favourite. Then in the > final you can vote sincerely. > > If the method is approval TTR, things are much easier for the pushover > strategists because they don't have to rely on on other voters to get their > favourite into the final two, and also they don't have to limit themselves > to promoting just one weak candidate. > > If you only care about electing your favourite, the obvious strategy is to > approve your favourite and all the candidates that you are confident can > neither displace your favourite out of the top two or pairwise beat your > favourite in the final. > > [STAR] is similar. There one can choose between maximising the chance > that a weak candidate will get in to the final two, or weakening your vote > for the weak candidate to just below maximum (4 instead of 5) so as to help > your favourite win the top-two pairwise comparison. > > In comparison with the methods I've so far mentioned in RCV (fka IRV) the > would-be pushover strategists face the greatest problems and risks. They > have to rely entirely on other voters to both get their sincere favourite > into the final top two and also to overcome the strategists' own votes, for > the strategists' sincere favourite to win the final two comparison. > > That electowiki entry you linked to: > > Pushover[edit > <https://electowiki.org/w/index.php?title=Tactical_voting&veaction=edit&section=4> > | edit source > <https://electowiki.org/w/index.php?title=Tactical_voting&action=edit&section=4> > ] > > *Push-over* is a type of tactical voting that is only useful in methods > that violate monotonicity <https://electowiki.org/wiki/Monotonicity>. It > may involve a voter ranking or rating an alternative lower in the hope of > getting it elected, or ranking or rating an alternative higher in the hope > of defeating it. Also known as a *paradoxical* strategy. Note that it is > usually very difficult to successfully pull off, and often backfires (i.e. > elects the pushed over candidate). > > > The first sentence looks like something I recall from that extinct page. > It is correct in the universe of pure ranking methods. But according to > apparent consensus here (and a wikipedia page you linked to) [STAR] > somehow doesn't "violate monotonicity" and yet (as I've discussed) is more > vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does. > > Regarding the last bit, I've no idea how the author would know that it > "often backfires", or have any idea how "often" it is attempted. > > Chris Benham > > > > *Rob Lanphier* roblan at gmail.com > <election-methods%40lists.electorama.com?Subject=Re%3A%20%5BEM%5D%20St.%20Louis%20and%20Pushover%20%28Re%3A%20Reply%20to%20Rob%20regarding%20RCV%29&In-Reply-To=%3CCAK9hOYnPv5QaWnZhEhgAK6P08XyHdA1ew1p2fRn%2B0jD58DsUkA%40mail.gmail.com%3E> > *Tue Sep 26 21:39:35 PDT 2023* > ------------------------------ > > Hi Chris > > Regarding former St. Louis resident Lewis Reed's preference of voting > system, I'm not sure. I suspect he was selling his preference to the > highest bidder, and since he was still the President of the St. Louis Board > of Aldermen, he presumably had influence in STL politics (until the bribery > case in court made him politically radioactive). Whatever remaining > influence Reed may still have is waning with every day he spends in an > Arkansas prison, where I believe he lives today. Something tells me that > electoral reform is the least of Reed's worries in 2023. > > Regarding approval's potential vulnerability to pushover when used in a > top-two primary, I'm personally not very concerned about the theoretical > possibility. Perhaps in the far future, we'll have really sophisticated > voters who understand how to strategically influence the primary in a way > that causes top-two approval to fail in a way that causes problems. My > sense is that St. Louis (which uses top-two approval) has bigger problems > than sophisticated attempts at "pushover" > > I believe that St. Louis voters just wanted a good mayor in 2021, and > approved many competitors to Lewis Reed (including Tishaura Jones and Cara > Spencer). From my analysis, it looks like the wealthier voters in the > southern portion of St. Louis (i.e. the type that pay handsomely for > produce at farmers' markets in mall parking lots on the weekends to assuage > their guilt for the collapse of the independent farming in the United > States) voted for Cara Spencer. The voters in the northern part of the > city (in the floodplain at the confluence of the Missouri and Mississippi > Rivers, which USUALLY doesn't flood very much) voted for Tishaura Jones. > Given the demographics of St. Louis (43% Black, 42.9% non-Hispanic White, > 5.1% Hispanic, 4.1% Asian, 1.0% Hispanic White), it seems like a Tishaura > Jones was a great choice to succeed their longtime White mayor. Northern > St. Louis is largely Black and Hispanic, and it's in really rough shape, > despite having some fantastic old brick houses and lots of fantastic real > estate that is available for very little money (see <https://youtu.be/SPyjYQALnrE>). Jones is the first Black mayor of St. > Louis since 2001, and third Black mayor that the city has ever had (and the > first Black woman in the role). > > Based on my cursory research, I'm not sure the "pushover" phenomenon is > well known outside of the jargon-speaking electoral reform community (and > perhaps not even here). Note that the electowiki section about pushover > has no citations, and the "push over" section of a similar article on > English Wikipedia even has the infamous "citation needed" tag: > > - https://electowiki.org/wiki/Tactical_voting#Pushover > - > https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tactical_manipulation_of_runoff_voting#Push_over > > Note: the "Push over" section appears to have had the "citation needed" > banner on it since 2009, which means that said banner is almost old enough > to get its driver's licence in many places. I have a hard time taking the > criterion too seriously given that it doesn't seem to warrant its own > article on English Wikipedia. It seems all of the important ones have > articles: > > - > https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Comparison_of_electoral_systems#Compliance_of_selected_single-winner_methods > > A question for Chris (anyone who cares to answer), what's the best > explanation of pushover at a public URL that seems reasonably academically > rigorous (e.g. something that seems like it would pass muster as a citation > on English Wikipedia)? > > Rob > > p.s. having driven through St. Louis many times (and even stayed there a > couple of nights), it's not hard to guess where the powers-that-be drew the > red lines:https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/366759e8b76c46efbf6ff9e8fff3ac0b > > > ---- > Election-Methods mailing list - see https://electorama.com/em for list > info >
KM
Kristofer Munsterhjelm
Sun, Oct 1, 2023 1:08 PM

On 10/1/23 10:44, Rob Lanphier wrote:

This claim you make is interesting:
 "[STAR] somehow doesn't 'violate monotonicity' and yet [...] is more
vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does.".

Is that true?  It seems to me that RCV's series of runoffs lead to many
opportunities for weak candidates to snowball via transfers from
eliminated candidates.  The snowball effect in RCV usually snowballs to
the center of public opinion, but can sometimes roll toward the
outskirts as candidates get eliminated and their ballots get transferred
to a stronger and stronger candidate on the outskirts.  With STAR (and
Score), I believe the candidate needs to have strong support from all
voters to get a high enough score to advance (since all ballots are
considered in the runoff round), but perhaps similar polarization can
occur under STAR over time.  It's truly an interesting question which
method is more susceptible to pushover.

I think this problem is about how to interpret pushover. Mono-raise IIRC
comes in these two forms:

  1. If you raise A and A goes from winning to losing, that's a failure.
  2. If you lower A and A goes from losing to winning, that's a failure.

Suppose A is the winner in STAR. Then raising A can't bump him off the
top two who advance to the final, nor can it reverse A's pairwise
victory over the other finalist B.

Similarly, lowering A's score can't get A into the top two if he wasn't
already, nor can it turn B>A into A>B. So STAR is monotone.

I can see two ways to interpret pushover. The definition from Electowiki is:

"Push-over is a type of tactical voting that is only useful in methods
that violate monotonicity. It may involve a voter ranking or rating an
alternative lower in the hope of getting it elected, or ranking or
rating an alternative higher in the hope of defeating it."

A strict interpretation considers "defeating it" to mean "turn the
candidate from winning to no longer winning". That interpretation thus is:

  1. If you prefer B to A, A is winning, and you raise your ranking/rating
    of A with the intent of having the result change from A to B, then
    that's pushover strategy.

  2. If you prefer B to A, A is winning, and you lower your ranking/rating
    of B with the intent of having the result change from A to B, then
    that's also pushover strategy.

I.e. the candidate you're altering the position of must be either the
candidate who's winning or the candidate you want to win. By this
interpretation, pushover implies monotonicity failure, because if
raising A made A lose, that's a failure of the first kind, and if
lowering B made B win, that's a failure of the second kind.

STAR does not have this particular type of pushover.

But here's a looser type of pushover:

  1. If you prefer B to A, A is winning, and you raise your ranking/rating
    of some other candidate X with the intent of having the result change
    from A to B...

  2. (same as #2 above)

then STAR does fail. Suppose B beats X pairwise but A beats B
pairwise, and the finalist set before strategizing is {A, B} so that A
wins... then by increasing your rating of X, you might bump A off the
set so that it's {B, X} instead, after which B beats X and wins.

The "pied piper" strategy seems to be closer to this type than the
strict interpretation. A is the mainstream Republican, B is the
mainstream Democrat, and X is the outrageous Republican. By supporting
X, the Democrats intend to induce some Republican voters to "rank or
rate X higher", i.e vote for X rather than A in the primary. The
intended effect is to knock A out, which leads to the general being
between B and X, where B then (presumably) wins.

(But not if X is Trump: then you get a backfire.)

Strictly speaking, a monotone ranked method could also have this type of
pushover strategy, e.g. a voter voting:

B>A>C>D>E>F>X

leads A to win, but

B>A>X>C>D>E>F

leads B to win. But because the strict version implies nonmonotonicity
and ranking X higher is often accompanied by A being ranked lower, it's
associated with nonmonotonicity for ranked methods. I'm not aware of any
monotone methods with this kind of failure.

-km

On 10/1/23 10:44, Rob Lanphier wrote: > This claim you make is interesting: >  "[STAR] somehow doesn't 'violate monotonicity' and yet [...] is more > vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does.". > > Is that true?  It seems to me that RCV's series of runoffs lead to many > opportunities for weak candidates to snowball via transfers from > eliminated candidates.  The snowball effect in RCV usually snowballs to > the center of public opinion, but can sometimes roll toward the > outskirts as candidates get eliminated and their ballots get transferred > to a stronger and stronger candidate on the outskirts.  With STAR (and > Score), I believe the candidate needs to have strong support from all > voters to get a high enough score to advance (since all ballots are > considered in the runoff round), but perhaps similar polarization can > occur under STAR over time.  It's truly an interesting question which > method is more susceptible to pushover. I think this problem is about how to interpret pushover. Mono-raise IIRC comes in these two forms: 1. If you raise A and A goes from winning to losing, that's a failure. 2. If you lower A and A goes from losing to winning, that's a failure. Suppose A is the winner in STAR. Then raising A can't bump him off the top two who advance to the final, nor can it reverse A's pairwise victory over the other finalist B. Similarly, lowering A's score can't get A into the top two if he wasn't already, nor can it turn B>A into A>B. So STAR is monotone. I can see two ways to interpret pushover. The definition from Electowiki is: "Push-over is a type of tactical voting that is only useful in methods that violate monotonicity. It may involve a voter ranking or rating an alternative lower in the hope of getting it elected, or ranking or rating an alternative higher in the hope of defeating it." A strict interpretation considers "defeating it" to mean "turn the candidate from winning to no longer winning". That interpretation thus is: 1. If you prefer B to A, A is winning, and you raise your ranking/rating of A with the intent of having the result change from A to B, then that's pushover strategy. 2. If you prefer B to A, A is winning, and you lower your ranking/rating of B with the intent of having the result change from A to B, then that's also pushover strategy. I.e. the candidate you're altering the position of must be either the candidate who's winning or the candidate you want to win. By this interpretation, pushover implies monotonicity failure, because if raising A made A lose, that's a failure of the first kind, and if lowering B made B win, that's a failure of the second kind. STAR does not have this particular type of pushover. But here's a looser type of pushover: 1. If you prefer B to A, A is winning, and you raise your ranking/rating of some other candidate X with the intent of having the result change from A to B... 2. (same as #2 above) then STAR *does* fail. Suppose B beats X pairwise but A beats B pairwise, and the finalist set before strategizing is {A, B} so that A wins... then by increasing your rating of X, you might bump A off the set so that it's {B, X} instead, after which B beats X and wins. The "pied piper" strategy seems to be closer to this type than the strict interpretation. A is the mainstream Republican, B is the mainstream Democrat, and X is the outrageous Republican. By supporting X, the Democrats intend to induce some Republican voters to "rank or rate X higher", i.e vote for X rather than A in the primary. The intended effect is to knock A out, which leads to the general being between B and X, where B then (presumably) wins. (But not if X is Trump: then you get a backfire.) Strictly speaking, a monotone ranked method could also have this type of pushover strategy, e.g. a voter voting: B>A>C>D>E>F>X leads A to win, but B>A>X>C>D>E>F leads B to win. But because the strict version implies nonmonotonicity and ranking X higher is often accompanied by A being ranked lower, it's associated with nonmonotonicity for ranked methods. I'm not aware of any monotone methods with this kind of failure. -km
RL
Rob Lanphier
Mon, Oct 2, 2023 1:07 AM

Thanks Kristofer!  Your analysis is really helpful for me as I try to
explain this to a broader audience than the folks on this mailing list.  I
strongly suspect that 99.999% of people who aren't on this mailing list
have no idea what the term "pushover" means, and now I suspect that most
people on this mailing list can't define it unambiguously.  I've started a
stub article here:
https://electowiki.org/wiki/Pushover

I'm hoping all y'all on this mailing list help improve the new "Pushover"
article.

I found the part in the "Tactical voting" page's changelog where pushover
was defined relative to monotonicity on electowiki:
https://electowiki.org/w/index.php?title=Tactical_voting&diff=prev&oldid=3014

It would seem that James Green-Armytage (or someone assuming that name)
defined "pushover" in terms of monotonicity back in 2005.

A prior definition that was briefly on electowiki shortly after it was
copied over from English Wikipedia states the following:

'''Push-over''' or '''turkey-raising''' is a type of strategic voting in
which a voter ranks a perceived weak alternative higher, but not in the
hopes of getting it elected.  For example, in a [[bloc voting|bloc vote]]
where multiple votes are required, a voter may insincerely vote for a
candidate they perceive as unlikely to win, in order to help their
preferred candidate win.

See <
https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Strategic_voting&oldid=10141683>
to see the version on English Wikipedia at the time it was copied.  I fear
it was a mistake to define "pushover" in terms of monotonicity on
electowiki, since it seems the "pushover" term is used for "turkey-raising"
in some contexts (as I'm assuming based on Chris Benham's email and the
contents of English Wikipedia in 2004 and 2005).

Rob

On Sun, Oct 1, 2023 at 6:08 AM Kristofer Munsterhjelm km_elmet@t-online.de
wrote:

On 10/1/23 10:44, Rob Lanphier wrote:

This claim you make is interesting:
"[STAR] somehow doesn't 'violate monotonicity' and yet [...] is more
vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does.".

Is that true?  It seems to me that RCV's series of runoffs lead to many
opportunities for weak candidates to snowball via transfers from
eliminated candidates.  The snowball effect in RCV usually snowballs to
the center of public opinion, but can sometimes roll toward the
outskirts as candidates get eliminated and their ballots get transferred
to a stronger and stronger candidate on the outskirts.  With STAR (and
Score), I believe the candidate needs to have strong support from all
voters to get a high enough score to advance (since all ballots are
considered in the runoff round), but perhaps similar polarization can
occur under STAR over time.  It's truly an interesting question which
method is more susceptible to pushover.

I think this problem is about how to interpret pushover. Mono-raise IIRC
comes in these two forms:

  1. If you raise A and A goes from winning to losing, that's a failure.
  2. If you lower A and A goes from losing to winning, that's a failure.

Suppose A is the winner in STAR. Then raising A can't bump him off the
top two who advance to the final, nor can it reverse A's pairwise
victory over the other finalist B.

Similarly, lowering A's score can't get A into the top two if he wasn't
already, nor can it turn B>A into A>B. So STAR is monotone.

I can see two ways to interpret pushover. The definition from Electowiki
is:

"Push-over is a type of tactical voting that is only useful in methods
that violate monotonicity. It may involve a voter ranking or rating an
alternative lower in the hope of getting it elected, or ranking or
rating an alternative higher in the hope of defeating it."

A strict interpretation considers "defeating it" to mean "turn the
candidate from winning to no longer winning". That interpretation thus is:

  1. If you prefer B to A, A is winning, and you raise your ranking/rating
    of A with the intent of having the result change from A to B, then
    that's pushover strategy.

  2. If you prefer B to A, A is winning, and you lower your ranking/rating
    of B with the intent of having the result change from A to B, then
    that's also pushover strategy.

I.e. the candidate you're altering the position of must be either the
candidate who's winning or the candidate you want to win. By this
interpretation, pushover implies monotonicity failure, because if
raising A made A lose, that's a failure of the first kind, and if
lowering B made B win, that's a failure of the second kind.

STAR does not have this particular type of pushover.

But here's a looser type of pushover:

  1. If you prefer B to A, A is winning, and you raise your ranking/rating
    of some other candidate X with the intent of having the result change
    from A to B...

  2. (same as #2 above)

then STAR does fail. Suppose B beats X pairwise but A beats B
pairwise, and the finalist set before strategizing is {A, B} so that A
wins... then by increasing your rating of X, you might bump A off the
set so that it's {B, X} instead, after which B beats X and wins.

The "pied piper" strategy seems to be closer to this type than the
strict interpretation. A is the mainstream Republican, B is the
mainstream Democrat, and X is the outrageous Republican. By supporting
X, the Democrats intend to induce some Republican voters to "rank or
rate X higher", i.e vote for X rather than A in the primary. The
intended effect is to knock A out, which leads to the general being
between B and X, where B then (presumably) wins.

(But not if X is Trump: then you get a backfire.)

Strictly speaking, a monotone ranked method could also have this type of
pushover strategy, e.g. a voter voting:

B>A>C>D>E>F>X

leads A to win, but

B>A>X>C>D>E>F

leads B to win. But because the strict version implies nonmonotonicity
and ranking X higher is often accompanied by A being ranked lower, it's
associated with nonmonotonicity for ranked methods. I'm not aware of any
monotone methods with this kind of failure.

-km

Thanks Kristofer! Your analysis is really helpful for me as I try to explain this to a broader audience than the folks on this mailing list. I strongly suspect that 99.999% of people who aren't on this mailing list have no idea what the term "pushover" means, and now I suspect that most people on this mailing list can't define it unambiguously. I've started a stub article here: https://electowiki.org/wiki/Pushover I'm hoping all y'all on this mailing list help improve the new "Pushover" article. I found the part in the "Tactical voting" page's changelog where pushover was defined relative to monotonicity on electowiki: https://electowiki.org/w/index.php?title=Tactical_voting&diff=prev&oldid=3014 It would seem that James Green-Armytage (or someone assuming that name) defined "pushover" in terms of monotonicity back in 2005. A prior definition that was briefly on electowiki shortly after it was copied over from English Wikipedia states the following: > '''Push-over''' or '''turkey-raising''' is a type of strategic voting in > which a voter ranks a perceived weak alternative higher, but not in the > hopes of getting it elected. For example, in a [[bloc voting|bloc vote]] > where multiple votes are required, a voter may insincerely vote for a > candidate they perceive as unlikely to win, in order to help their > preferred candidate win. > See < https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Strategic_voting&oldid=10141683> to see the version on English Wikipedia at the time it was copied. I fear it was a mistake to define "pushover" in terms of monotonicity on electowiki, since it seems the "pushover" term is used for "turkey-raising" in some contexts (as I'm assuming based on Chris Benham's email and the contents of English Wikipedia in 2004 and 2005). Rob On Sun, Oct 1, 2023 at 6:08 AM Kristofer Munsterhjelm <km_elmet@t-online.de> wrote: > On 10/1/23 10:44, Rob Lanphier wrote: > > > This claim you make is interesting: > > "[STAR] somehow doesn't 'violate monotonicity' and yet [...] is more > > vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does.". > > > > Is that true? It seems to me that RCV's series of runoffs lead to many > > opportunities for weak candidates to snowball via transfers from > > eliminated candidates. The snowball effect in RCV usually snowballs to > > the center of public opinion, but can sometimes roll toward the > > outskirts as candidates get eliminated and their ballots get transferred > > to a stronger and stronger candidate on the outskirts. With STAR (and > > Score), I believe the candidate needs to have strong support from all > > voters to get a high enough score to advance (since all ballots are > > considered in the runoff round), but perhaps similar polarization can > > occur under STAR over time. It's truly an interesting question which > > method is more susceptible to pushover. > > I think this problem is about how to interpret pushover. Mono-raise IIRC > comes in these two forms: > > 1. If you raise A and A goes from winning to losing, that's a failure. > 2. If you lower A and A goes from losing to winning, that's a failure. > > Suppose A is the winner in STAR. Then raising A can't bump him off the > top two who advance to the final, nor can it reverse A's pairwise > victory over the other finalist B. > > Similarly, lowering A's score can't get A into the top two if he wasn't > already, nor can it turn B>A into A>B. So STAR is monotone. > > I can see two ways to interpret pushover. The definition from Electowiki > is: > > "Push-over is a type of tactical voting that is only useful in methods > that violate monotonicity. It may involve a voter ranking or rating an > alternative lower in the hope of getting it elected, or ranking or > rating an alternative higher in the hope of defeating it." > > A strict interpretation considers "defeating it" to mean "turn the > candidate from winning to no longer winning". That interpretation thus is: > > 1. If you prefer B to A, A is winning, and you raise your ranking/rating > of A with the intent of having the result change from A to B, then > that's pushover strategy. > > 2. If you prefer B to A, A is winning, and you lower your ranking/rating > of B with the intent of having the result change from A to B, then > that's also pushover strategy. > > I.e. the candidate you're altering the position of must be either the > candidate who's winning or the candidate you want to win. By this > interpretation, pushover implies monotonicity failure, because if > raising A made A lose, that's a failure of the first kind, and if > lowering B made B win, that's a failure of the second kind. > > STAR does not have this particular type of pushover. > > But here's a looser type of pushover: > 1. If you prefer B to A, A is winning, and you raise your ranking/rating > of some other candidate X with the intent of having the result change > from A to B... > > 2. (same as #2 above) > > then STAR *does* fail. Suppose B beats X pairwise but A beats B > pairwise, and the finalist set before strategizing is {A, B} so that A > wins... then by increasing your rating of X, you might bump A off the > set so that it's {B, X} instead, after which B beats X and wins. > > The "pied piper" strategy seems to be closer to this type than the > strict interpretation. A is the mainstream Republican, B is the > mainstream Democrat, and X is the outrageous Republican. By supporting > X, the Democrats intend to induce some Republican voters to "rank or > rate X higher", i.e vote for X rather than A in the primary. The > intended effect is to knock A out, which leads to the general being > between B and X, where B then (presumably) wins. > > (But not if X is Trump: then you get a backfire.) > > Strictly speaking, a monotone ranked method could also have this type of > pushover strategy, e.g. a voter voting: > > B>A>C>D>E>F>X > > leads A to win, but > > B>A>X>C>D>E>F > > leads B to win. But because the strict version implies nonmonotonicity > and ranking X higher is often accompanied by A being ranked lower, it's > associated with nonmonotonicity for ranked methods. I'm not aware of any > monotone methods with this kind of failure. > > -km >
C
C.Benham
Mon, Oct 2, 2023 1:26 AM

Rob,

Is "pushover" strategy common in Australian elections, and commonly
named by that name?

No and no.  I've only ever come across the term here, and from that
Blake Cretney page.

Seats/districts where that would even be a theoretical possibility would
rare. I did read a report in a newspaper
some time in the 1980s that the conservative Liberal Party toyed with
the idea of doing that in one seat, but rejected
the idea on the grounds that it would undermine the perceived integrity
of the election process and so the legitimacy
of the winner. Bear in mind that we have "compulsory voting" which is
popular, because it is widely accepted that
voting is a civic duty.

In that district the highly predictable FPP order was Right >
Centre-Right > Centre-Left, or if you want the parties' names
Liberal > Australian Democrats > Labor.

It was also highly predictable that nearly all of the Labor voters would
give their second preference to the Democrat and
that a big majority of the Democrat voters would give their second
preference vote to the Liberal.  (Bear in mind that truncation
isn't allowed).

In that circumstance the Liberals could have organised for some of their
supporters to vote Labor to "rescue" that candidate
from being eliminated, so that instead the Democrat will be eliminated
and then the Liberal will win in the pairwise contest
with Labor.   BTW, the Democrat was the sitting member (and it may have
been that party's only seat in the state parliament,
Labor and Liberal are the two major parties).  Of course the Democrat
was the Condorcet winner, but no-one  even had that
concept.

This claim you make is interesting:
 "[STAR] somehow doesn't 'violate monotonicity' and yet [...] is more
vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does.".

Is that true?

Yes.

It seems to me that RCV's series of runoffs lead to many opportunities
for weak candidates to snowball via transfers from eliminated
candidates.  The snowball effect in RCV usually snowballs to the
center of public opinion, but can sometimes roll toward the outskirts
as candidates get eliminated and their ballots get transferred to a
stronger and stronger candidate on the outskirts.

Now you are just talking about things connected with RCV's clone
independence and slight "extremist bias". Nothing to do with Pushover.

With STAR (and Score), I believe the candidate needs to have strong
support from all voters to get a high enough score to advance (since
all ballots are considered in the runoff round), but perhaps similar
polarization can occur under STAR over time.

This is also completely irrelevant to Pushover strategy (which doesn't
necessarily have anything to do with polarization).

It's truly an interesting question which method is more susceptible to
pushover.

As a matter of simple logic STAR is much more susceptible.  The aim of
the Pushover strategist is create a two-candidate final consisting of
his favourite plus a "turkey".
(I've come across the term "turkey-raising" from a US source about
voting methods. Maybe it means the same thing as pushover.)

One of the dangers for the strategist is that his favourite won't make
it into the final, perhaps being displaced out of it by the turkey. 
This danger is obviously much lower
for the STAR strategist because (unlike the RCV strategist) he can fully
vote to help his favourite into the final as well as the turkey.   The
RCV strategist has to fully rely
on other voters to get his favourite into the final.

The second danger for the Pushover strategist is that in the final the
"turkey" might win. In that final the RCV strategist has to actually
vote for the turkey and hope that
his vote is overwhelmed by others.  The STAR strategist doesn't have
that problem. He can choose between "pushover-lite" where he gives the
turkey the second-highest
possible score so that his vote still helps his favourite beat the
turkey in the final,  and "full" pushover to maximise his help for the
turkey into the final in which case in the
final his vote merely has no effect.

Chris Benham

On 1/10/2023 7:14 pm, Rob Lanphier wrote:

Hi Chris,

I'm going to reply to your original email (and quote it on the
bottom).  I'm going to replace "SCORE" with "[STAR]" in your email,
because you agreed in an earlier mail that's what you meant

I have a lot clearer idea of what the "pushover" strategy is now,
thanks (at least partially) to your email (thank you!).  My hunch is
that the pushover strategy may not be as well-studied, but it may be
that there's different terminology used in academic circles (perhaps
"pied piper"...see below).  I'm assuming from your email address that
you're Australian.  Is "pushover" strategy common in Australian
elections, and commonly named by that name?   My hunch is that
pushover is a bigger problem in IRV/RCV/STV than it is in more
consensus-oriented election methods (like approval, any Condorcet
system, STAR).  I ask this because we don't talk about "pushover" here
in the United States, but it wouldn't surprise me if Australians talk
about it a lot.  We don't have very many places using STV/IRV/RCV, and
the politics of those places (e.g. San Francisco, Cambridge Mass) are
treated like outliers in mainstream political conversation.  San
Francisco has weird politics (which I assert from my office in San
Francisco)

There are more places that use "top-two open primary" (like California
and Washington state). "Pushover" hasn't (yet) made it into the
mainstream political lexicon in either place (that I know of), but I
do know that in 2022, the Democratic Party here made a point of trying
pushover against the Republicans in regular first-past-the-post
primaries :
https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/09/12/democrats-interfere-republican-primaries/

It was a risky strategy, but (I'm sad to say) it probably worked in
2022.  It failed for Hillary Clinton in 2016 though (see this 2016
article about Clinton's "pied-piper strategy"):
https://www.salon.com/2016/11/09/the-hillary-clinton-campaign-intentionally-created-donald-trump-with-its-pied-piper-strategy/

This claim you make is interesting:
 "[STAR] somehow doesn't 'violate monotonicity' and yet [...] is more
vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does.".

Is that true?  It seems to me that RCV's series of runoffs lead to
many opportunities for weak candidates to snowball via transfers from
eliminated candidates.  The snowball effect in RCV usually snowballs
to the center of public opinion, but can sometimes roll toward the
outskirts as candidates get eliminated and their ballots get
transferred to a stronger and stronger candidate on the outskirts. 
With STAR (and Score), I believe the candidate needs to have strong
support from all voters to get a high enough score to advance (since
all ballots are considered in the runoff round), but perhaps similar
polarization can occur under STAR over time.  It's truly an
interesting question which method is more susceptible to pushover.

As for the monotonicity of STAR, I'll need to leave it as an exercise
for the reader.  I'm not sure anyone has proven that STAR is
monotonic, though I suspect that an example of non-monotonic STAR
would be a really weird edge-case.

Rob
p.s. I've replaced "SCORE" with "[STAR]", but won't correct your
spelling of "maximising" nor "favourite", even though my spell checker
really wants me to. English-speaking people are one people, separated
by common language.  :-)

On Sat, Sep 30, 2023 at 1:07 AM C.Benham cbenham@adam.com.au wrote:

 Rob,
 A question for Chris (anyone who cares to answer), what's the best
 explanation of pushover at a public URL that seems reasonably academically
 rigorous (e.g. something that seems like it would pass muster as a citation
 on English Wikipedia)?
 Blake Cretney (who used to be active here) had a web-page
 ("condorcet.org <http://condorcet.org>" I think it was called)
 that is unfortunately now extinct. I regret not copying and
 storing the definitions/explanations that
 were there.

 That is where "Push-over" strategy was defined.  As I recall it
 said something simple like
 "the strategy of promoting a weak alternative for it to be beaten
 by a preferred stronger one".

 But really I think we are in the realm of common-sense and the
 bleeding obvious rather than being
 in awe of and deferring to academic authority.  Whatever it is
 exactly called, in the US political system it must be commonplace.

 Because (at least in some states) you have open public party
 primaries. Suppose you are a supporter of party A, and either you
 are happy with all the candidates running in A's primary election
 (or you are confidant that your favourite can win that primary
 without your help, or something in between) and so you decide to
 instead vote in main rival party B's primary to vote not for your
 sincere lesser evil but for the candidate you think would have the
 smallest chance of beating the A candidate in the general election.

 You would be using a Push-over strategy.

 Likewise suppose the method is plurality Top-Two Runoff.  If you
 are confident that your favorite can make it into the top two
 without your help then in the first round you might vote for a
 candidate (of course preferably among the other front-runners for
 the second spot) that you think most likely to lose in the runoff
 against your favourite. Then in the final you can vote sincerely.

 If the method is approval TTR, things are much easier for the
 pushover strategists because they don't have to rely on on other
 voters to get their favourite into the final two, and also they
 don't have to limit themselves to promoting just one weak candidate.

 If you only care about electing your favourite, the obvious
 strategy is to approve your favourite and all the candidates that
 you are confident can neither displace your favourite out of the
 top two or pairwise beat your favourite in the final.

 [STAR] is similar.  There one can choose between maximising the
 chance that a weak candidate will get in to the final two, or
 weakening your vote for the weak candidate to just below maximum
 (4 instead of 5) so as to help your favourite win the top-two
 pairwise comparison.

 In comparison with the methods I've so far mentioned in RCV (fka
 IRV) the would-be pushover strategists face the greatest problems
 and risks. They have to rely entirely on other voters to both get
 their sincere favourite into the final top two and also to
 overcome the strategists' own votes, for the strategists' sincere
 favourite to win the final two comparison.

 That electowiki entry you linked to:
       Pushover[edit
       <https://electowiki.org/w/index.php?title=Tactical_voting&veaction=edit&section=4>|edit
       source
       <https://electowiki.org/w/index.php?title=Tactical_voting&action=edit&section=4>]

 *Push-over*is a type of tactical voting that is only useful in
 methods that violatemonotonicity
 <https://electowiki.org/wiki/Monotonicity>. It may involve a
 voter ranking or rating an alternative lower in the hope of
 getting it elected, or ranking or rating an alternative higher in
 the hope of defeating it. Also known as a*paradoxical*strategy.
 Note that it is usually very difficult to successfully pull off,
 and often backfires (i.e. elects the pushed over candidate).
 The first sentence looks like something I recall from that extinct
 page. It is correct in the universe of pure ranking methods. But
 according to apparent consensus here (and a wikipedia page you
 linked to)  [STAR] somehow doesn't "violate monotonicity" and yet
 (as I've discussed) is more vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka
 IRV) which does.

 Regarding the last bit, I've no idea how the author would know
 that it "often backfires", or have any idea how "often" it is
 attempted.

 Chris Benham
 *Rob Lanphier*roblan at gmail.com
 <mailto:election-methods%40lists.electorama.com?Subject=Re%3A%20%5BEM%5D%20St.%20Louis%20and%20Pushover%20%28Re%3A%20Reply%20to%20Rob%20regarding%20RCV%29&In-Reply-To=%3CCAK9hOYnPv5QaWnZhEhgAK6P08XyHdA1ew1p2fRn%2B0jD58DsUkA%40mail.gmail.com%3E>
 /Tue Sep 26 21:39:35 PDT 2023/
 ------------------------------------------------------------------------
 Hi Chris

 Regarding former St. Louis resident Lewis Reed's preference of voting
 system, I'm not sure.  I suspect he was selling his preference to the
 highest bidder, and since he was still the President of the St. Louis Board
 of Aldermen, he presumably had influence in STL politics (until the bribery
 case in court made him politically radioactive).  Whatever remaining
 influence Reed may still have is waning with every day he spends in an
 Arkansas prison, where I believe he lives today. Something tells me that
 electoral reform is the least of Reed's worries in 2023.

 Regarding approval's potential vulnerability to pushover when used in a
 top-two primary, I'm personally not very concerned about the theoretical
 possibility.  Perhaps in the far future, we'll have really sophisticated
 voters who understand how to strategically influence the primary in a way
 that causes top-two approval to fail in a way that causes problems.  My
 sense is that St. Louis (which uses top-two approval) has bigger problems
 than sophisticated attempts at "pushover"

 I believe that St. Louis voters just wanted a good mayor in 2021, and
 approved many competitors to Lewis Reed (including Tishaura Jones and Cara
 Spencer).  From my analysis, it looks like the wealthier voters in the
 southern portion of St. Louis (i.e. the type that pay handsomely for
 produce at farmers' markets in mall parking lots on the weekends to assuage
 their guilt for the collapse of the independent farming in the United
 States) voted for Cara Spencer.  The voters in the northern part of the
 city (in the floodplain at the confluence of the Missouri and Mississippi
 Rivers, which USUALLY doesn't flood very much) voted for Tishaura Jones.
 Given the demographics of St. Louis (43% Black, 42.9% non-Hispanic White,
 5.1% Hispanic, 4.1% Asian, 1.0% Hispanic White), it seems like a Tishaura
 Jones was a great choice to succeed their longtime White mayor.  Northern
 St. Louis is largely Black and Hispanic, and it's in really rough shape,
 despite having some fantastic old brick houses and lots of fantastic real
 estate that is available for very little money (see <
 https://youtu.be/SPyjYQALnrE>).  Jones is the first Black mayor of St.
 Louis since 2001, and third Black mayor that the city has ever had (and the
 first Black woman in the role).

 Based on my cursory research, I'm not sure the "pushover" phenomenon is
 well known outside of the jargon-speaking electoral reform community (and
 perhaps not even here).  Note that the electowiki section about pushover
 has no citations, and the "push over" section of a similar article on
 English Wikipedia even has the infamous "citation needed" tag:

     -https://electowiki.org/wiki/Tactical_voting#Pushover
     -
     https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tactical_manipulation_of_runoff_voting#Push_over

 Note: the "Push over" section appears to have had the "citation needed"
 banner on it since 2009, which means that said banner is almost old enough
 to get its driver's licence in many places.  I have a hard time taking the
 criterion too seriously given that it doesn't seem to warrant its own
 article on English Wikipedia.  It seems all of the important ones have
 articles:

     -
     https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Comparison_of_electoral_systems#Compliance_of_selected_single-winner_methods

 A question for Chris (anyone who cares to answer), what's the best
 explanation of pushover at a public URL that seems reasonably academically
 rigorous (e.g. something that seems like it would pass muster as a citation
 on English Wikipedia)?

 Rob

 p.s. having driven through St. Louis many times (and even stayed there a
 couple of nights), it's not hard to guess where the powers-that-be drew the
 red lines:
 https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/366759e8b76c46efbf6ff9e8fff3ac0b
 ----
 Election-Methods mailing list - see https://electorama.com/em for
 list info
Rob, > Is "pushover" strategy common in Australian elections, and commonly > named by that name? No and no.  I've only ever come across the term here, and from that Blake Cretney page. Seats/districts where that would even be a theoretical possibility would rare. I did read a report in a newspaper some time in the 1980s that the conservative Liberal Party toyed with the idea of doing that in one seat, but rejected the idea on the grounds that it would undermine the perceived integrity of the election process and so the legitimacy of the winner. Bear in mind that we have "compulsory voting" which is popular, because it is widely accepted that voting is a civic duty. In that district the highly predictable FPP order was Right > Centre-Right > Centre-Left, or if you want the parties' names Liberal > Australian Democrats > Labor. It was also highly predictable that nearly all of the Labor voters would give their second preference to the Democrat and that a big majority of the Democrat voters would give their second preference vote to the Liberal.  (Bear in mind that truncation isn't allowed). In that circumstance the Liberals could have organised for some of their supporters to vote Labor to "rescue" that candidate from being eliminated, so that instead the Democrat will be eliminated and then the Liberal will win in the pairwise contest with Labor.   BTW, the Democrat was the sitting member (and it may have been that party's only seat in the state parliament, Labor and Liberal are the two major parties).  Of course the Democrat was the Condorcet winner, but no-one  even had that concept. > This claim you make is interesting: >  "[STAR] somehow doesn't 'violate monotonicity' and yet [...] is more > vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does.". > > Is that true? Yes. > It seems to me that RCV's series of runoffs lead to many opportunities > for weak candidates to snowball via transfers from eliminated > candidates.  The snowball effect in RCV usually snowballs to the > center of public opinion, but can sometimes roll toward the outskirts > as candidates get eliminated and their ballots get transferred to a > stronger and stronger candidate on the outskirts. Now you are just talking about things connected with RCV's clone independence and slight "extremist bias". Nothing to do with Pushover. > With STAR (and Score), I believe the candidate needs to have strong > support from all voters to get a high enough score to advance (since > all ballots are considered in the runoff round), but perhaps similar > polarization can occur under STAR over time. This is also completely irrelevant to Pushover strategy (which doesn't necessarily have anything to do with polarization). > It's truly an interesting question which method is more susceptible to > pushover. > As a matter of simple logic STAR is much more susceptible.  The aim of the Pushover strategist is create a two-candidate final consisting of his favourite plus a "turkey". (I've come across the term "turkey-raising" from a US source about voting methods. Maybe it means the same thing as pushover.) One of the dangers for the strategist is that his favourite won't make it into the final, perhaps being displaced out of it by the turkey.  This danger is obviously much lower for the STAR strategist because (unlike the RCV strategist) he can fully vote to help his favourite into the final as well as the turkey.   The RCV strategist has to fully rely on other voters to get his favourite into the final. The second danger for the Pushover strategist is that in the final the "turkey" might win. In that final the RCV strategist has to actually vote for the turkey and hope that his vote is overwhelmed by others.  The STAR strategist doesn't have that problem. He can choose between "pushover-lite" where he gives the turkey the second-highest possible score so that his vote still helps his favourite beat the turkey in the final,  and "full" pushover to maximise his help for the turkey into the final in which case in the final his vote merely has no effect. Chris Benham On 1/10/2023 7:14 pm, Rob Lanphier wrote: > Hi Chris, > > I'm going to reply to your original email (and quote it on the > bottom).  I'm going to replace "SCORE" with "[STAR]" in your email, > because you agreed in an earlier mail that's what you meant > > I have a lot clearer idea of what the "pushover" strategy is now, > thanks (at least partially) to your email (thank you!).  My hunch is > that the pushover strategy may not be as well-studied, but it may be > that there's different terminology used in academic circles (perhaps > "pied piper"...see below).  I'm assuming from your email address that > you're Australian.  Is "pushover" strategy common in Australian > elections, and commonly named by that name?   My hunch is that > pushover is a bigger problem in IRV/RCV/STV than it is in more > consensus-oriented election methods (like approval, any Condorcet > system, STAR).  I ask this because we don't talk about "pushover" here > in the United States, but it wouldn't surprise me if Australians talk > about it a lot.  We don't have very many places using STV/IRV/RCV, and > the politics of those places (e.g. San Francisco, Cambridge Mass) are > treated like outliers in mainstream political conversation.  San > Francisco has weird politics (which I assert from my office in San > Francisco) > > There are more places that use "top-two open primary" (like California > and Washington state). "Pushover" hasn't (yet) made it into the > mainstream political lexicon in either place (that I know of), but I > do know that in 2022, the Democratic Party here made a point of trying > pushover against the Republicans in regular first-past-the-post > primaries : > https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/09/12/democrats-interfere-republican-primaries/ > > It was a risky strategy, but (I'm sad to say) it probably worked in > 2022.  It failed for Hillary Clinton in 2016 though (see this 2016 > article about Clinton's "pied-piper strategy"): > https://www.salon.com/2016/11/09/the-hillary-clinton-campaign-intentionally-created-donald-trump-with-its-pied-piper-strategy/ > > This claim you make is interesting: >  "[STAR] somehow doesn't 'violate monotonicity' and yet [...] is more > vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does.". > > Is that true?  It seems to me that RCV's series of runoffs lead to > many opportunities for weak candidates to snowball via transfers from > eliminated candidates.  The snowball effect in RCV usually snowballs > to the center of public opinion, but can sometimes roll toward the > outskirts as candidates get eliminated and their ballots get > transferred to a stronger and stronger candidate on the outskirts.  > With STAR (and Score), I believe the candidate needs to have strong > support from all voters to get a high enough score to advance (since > all ballots are considered in the runoff round), but perhaps similar > polarization can occur under STAR over time.  It's truly an > interesting question which method is more susceptible to pushover. > > As for the monotonicity of STAR, I'll need to leave it as an exercise > for the reader.  I'm not sure anyone has proven that STAR is > monotonic, though I suspect that an example of non-monotonic STAR > would be a really weird edge-case. > > Rob > p.s. I've replaced "SCORE" with "[STAR]", but won't correct your > spelling of "maximising" nor "favourite", even though my spell checker > really wants me to. English-speaking people are one people, separated > by common language.  :-) > > On Sat, Sep 30, 2023 at 1:07 AM C.Benham <cbenham@adam.com.au> wrote: > > Rob, > >> A question for Chris (anyone who cares to answer), what's the best >> explanation of pushover at a public URL that seems reasonably academically >> rigorous (e.g. something that seems like it would pass muster as a citation >> on English Wikipedia)? > > Blake Cretney (who used to be active here) had a web-page > ("condorcet.org <http://condorcet.org>" I think it was called) > that is unfortunately now extinct. I regret not copying and > storing the definitions/explanations that > were there. > > That is where "Push-over" strategy was defined.  As I recall it > said something simple like > "the strategy of promoting a weak alternative for it to be beaten > by a preferred stronger one". > > But really I think we are in the realm of common-sense and the > bleeding obvious rather than being > in awe of and deferring to academic authority.  Whatever it is > exactly called, in the US political system it must be commonplace. > > Because (at least in some states) you have open public party > primaries. Suppose you are a supporter of party A, and either you > are happy with all the candidates running in A's primary election > (or you are confidant that your favourite can win that primary > without your help, or something in between) and so you decide to > instead vote in main rival party B's primary to vote not for your > sincere lesser evil but for the candidate you think would have the > smallest chance of beating the A candidate in the general election. > > You would be using a Push-over strategy. > > Likewise suppose the method is plurality Top-Two Runoff.  If you > are confident that your favorite can make it into the top two > without your help then in the first round you might vote for a > candidate (of course preferably among the other front-runners for > the second spot) that you think most likely to lose in the runoff > against your favourite. Then in the final you can vote sincerely. > > If the method is approval TTR, things are much easier for the > pushover strategists because they don't have to rely on on other > voters to get their favourite into the final two, and also they > don't have to limit themselves to promoting just one weak candidate. > > If you only care about electing your favourite, the obvious > strategy is to approve your favourite and all the candidates that > you are confident can neither displace your favourite out of the > top two or pairwise beat your favourite in the final. > > [STAR] is similar.  There one can choose between maximising the > chance that a weak candidate will get in to the final two, or > weakening your vote for the weak candidate to just below maximum > (4 instead of 5) so as to help your favourite win the top-two > pairwise comparison. > > In comparison with the methods I've so far mentioned in RCV (fka > IRV) the would-be pushover strategists face the greatest problems > and risks. They have to rely entirely on other voters to both get > their sincere favourite into the final top two and also to > overcome the strategists' own votes, for the strategists' sincere > favourite to win the final two comparison. > > That electowiki entry you linked to: > >> >> Pushover[edit >> <https://electowiki.org/w/index.php?title=Tactical_voting&veaction=edit&section=4>|edit >> source >> <https://electowiki.org/w/index.php?title=Tactical_voting&action=edit&section=4>] >> >> *Push-over*is a type of tactical voting that is only useful in >> methods that violatemonotonicity >> <https://electowiki.org/wiki/Monotonicity>. It may involve a >> voter ranking or rating an alternative lower in the hope of >> getting it elected, or ranking or rating an alternative higher in >> the hope of defeating it. Also known as a*paradoxical*strategy. >> Note that it is usually very difficult to successfully pull off, >> and often backfires (i.e. elects the pushed over candidate). >> > > The first sentence looks like something I recall from that extinct > page. It is correct in the universe of pure ranking methods. But > according to apparent consensus here (and a wikipedia page you > linked to)  [STAR] somehow doesn't "violate monotonicity" and yet > (as I've discussed) is more vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka > IRV) which does. > > Regarding the last bit, I've no idea how the author would know > that it "often backfires", or have any idea how "often" it is > attempted. > > Chris Benham > > >> >> *Rob Lanphier*roblan at gmail.com >> <mailto:election-methods%40lists.electorama.com?Subject=Re%3A%20%5BEM%5D%20St.%20Louis%20and%20Pushover%20%28Re%3A%20Reply%20to%20Rob%20regarding%20RCV%29&In-Reply-To=%3CCAK9hOYnPv5QaWnZhEhgAK6P08XyHdA1ew1p2fRn%2B0jD58DsUkA%40mail.gmail.com%3E> >> /Tue Sep 26 21:39:35 PDT 2023/ >> ------------------------------------------------------------------------ >> Hi Chris >> >> Regarding former St. Louis resident Lewis Reed's preference of voting >> system, I'm not sure. I suspect he was selling his preference to the >> highest bidder, and since he was still the President of the St. Louis Board >> of Aldermen, he presumably had influence in STL politics (until the bribery >> case in court made him politically radioactive). Whatever remaining >> influence Reed may still have is waning with every day he spends in an >> Arkansas prison, where I believe he lives today. Something tells me that >> electoral reform is the least of Reed's worries in 2023. >> >> Regarding approval's potential vulnerability to pushover when used in a >> top-two primary, I'm personally not very concerned about the theoretical >> possibility. Perhaps in the far future, we'll have really sophisticated >> voters who understand how to strategically influence the primary in a way >> that causes top-two approval to fail in a way that causes problems. My >> sense is that St. Louis (which uses top-two approval) has bigger problems >> than sophisticated attempts at "pushover" >> >> I believe that St. Louis voters just wanted a good mayor in 2021, and >> approved many competitors to Lewis Reed (including Tishaura Jones and Cara >> Spencer). From my analysis, it looks like the wealthier voters in the >> southern portion of St. Louis (i.e. the type that pay handsomely for >> produce at farmers' markets in mall parking lots on the weekends to assuage >> their guilt for the collapse of the independent farming in the United >> States) voted for Cara Spencer. The voters in the northern part of the >> city (in the floodplain at the confluence of the Missouri and Mississippi >> Rivers, which USUALLY doesn't flood very much) voted for Tishaura Jones. >> Given the demographics of St. Louis (43% Black, 42.9% non-Hispanic White, >> 5.1% Hispanic, 4.1% Asian, 1.0% Hispanic White), it seems like a Tishaura >> Jones was a great choice to succeed their longtime White mayor. Northern >> St. Louis is largely Black and Hispanic, and it's in really rough shape, >> despite having some fantastic old brick houses and lots of fantastic real >> estate that is available for very little money (see < >> https://youtu.be/SPyjYQALnrE>). Jones is the first Black mayor of St. >> Louis since 2001, and third Black mayor that the city has ever had (and the >> first Black woman in the role). >> >> Based on my cursory research, I'm not sure the "pushover" phenomenon is >> well known outside of the jargon-speaking electoral reform community (and >> perhaps not even here). Note that the electowiki section about pushover >> has no citations, and the "push over" section of a similar article on >> English Wikipedia even has the infamous "citation needed" tag: >> >> -https://electowiki.org/wiki/Tactical_voting#Pushover >> - >> https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tactical_manipulation_of_runoff_voting#Push_over >> >> Note: the "Push over" section appears to have had the "citation needed" >> banner on it since 2009, which means that said banner is almost old enough >> to get its driver's licence in many places. I have a hard time taking the >> criterion too seriously given that it doesn't seem to warrant its own >> article on English Wikipedia. It seems all of the important ones have >> articles: >> >> - >> https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Comparison_of_electoral_systems#Compliance_of_selected_single-winner_methods >> >> A question for Chris (anyone who cares to answer), what's the best >> explanation of pushover at a public URL that seems reasonably academically >> rigorous (e.g. something that seems like it would pass muster as a citation >> on English Wikipedia)? >> >> Rob >> >> p.s. having driven through St. Louis many times (and even stayed there a >> couple of nights), it's not hard to guess where the powers-that-be drew the >> red lines: >> https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/366759e8b76c46efbf6ff9e8fff3ac0b > > ---- > Election-Methods mailing list - see https://electorama.com/em for > list info >
RL
Rob Lanphier
Mon, Oct 2, 2023 4:01 AM

Hi Chris,

I posted about our discussion in the STAR Voting Slack (see here for
signing up: https://www.starvoting.org/get_involved), and I quickly
received a reply from the author of this piece from June 2023:
https://voting-in-the-abstract.medium.com/the-effectiveness-of-dishonest-strategies-in-different-voting-methods-8fb9ff50a490

I could say more about the topic, but I think I'm going to just encourage
you to read what Marcus Ogren wrote (since it is incredibly apropos to our
conversation here).  I'm being a bit reckless by posting the link before
doing more than a quick skim, but from what I know about Marcus, my hunch
is that there isn't a lot of "proof by assertion" in the writeup.

Rob

On Sun, Oct 1, 2023 at 6:27 PM C.Benham cbenham@adam.com.au wrote:

Rob,

Is "pushover" strategy common in Australian elections, and commonly named
by that name?

No and no.  I've only ever come across the term here, and from that Blake
Cretney page.

Seats/districts where that would even be a theoretical possibility would
rare. I did read a report in a newspaper
some time in the 1980s that the conservative Liberal Party toyed with the
idea of doing that in one seat, but rejected
the idea on the grounds that it would undermine the perceived integrity of
the election process and so the legitimacy
of the winner. Bear in mind that we have "compulsory voting" which is
popular, because it is widely accepted that
voting is a civic duty.

In that district the highly predictable FPP order was Right > Centre-Right

Centre-Left, or if you want the parties' names

Liberal > Australian Democrats > Labor.

It was also highly predictable that nearly all of the Labor voters would
give their second preference to the Democrat and
that a big majority of the Democrat voters would give their second
preference vote to the Liberal.  (Bear in mind that truncation
isn't allowed).

In that circumstance the Liberals could have organised for some of their
supporters to vote Labor to "rescue" that candidate
from being eliminated, so that instead the Democrat will be eliminated and
then the Liberal will win in the pairwise contest
with Labor.  BTW, the Democrat was the sitting member (and it may have
been that party's only seat in the state parliament,
Labor and Liberal are the two major parties).  Of course the Democrat was
the Condorcet winner, but no-one  even had that
concept.

This claim you make is interesting:
"[STAR] somehow doesn't 'violate monotonicity' and yet [...] is more
vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does.".

Is that true?

Yes.

It seems to me that RCV's series of runoffs lead to many opportunities for
weak candidates to snowball via transfers from eliminated candidates.  The
snowball effect in RCV usually snowballs to the center of public opinion,
but can sometimes roll toward the outskirts as candidates get eliminated
and their ballots get transferred to a stronger and stronger candidate on
the outskirts.

Now you are just talking about things connected with RCV's clone
independence and slight "extremist bias". Nothing to do with Pushover.

With STAR (and Score), I believe the candidate needs to have strong
support from all voters to get a high enough score to advance (since all
ballots are considered in the runoff round), but perhaps similar
polarization can occur under STAR over time.

This is also completely irrelevant to Pushover strategy (which doesn't
necessarily have anything to do with polarization).

It's truly an interesting question which method is more susceptible to
pushover.

As a matter of simple logic STAR is much more susceptible.  The aim of the
Pushover strategist is create a two-candidate final consisting of his
favourite plus a "turkey".
(I've come across the term "turkey-raising" from a US source about voting
methods. Maybe it means the same thing as pushover.)

One of the dangers for the strategist is that his favourite won't make it
into the final, perhaps being displaced out of it by the turkey.  This
danger is obviously much lower
for the STAR strategist because (unlike the RCV strategist) he can fully
vote to help his favourite into the final as well as the turkey.  The RCV
strategist has to fully rely
on other voters to get his favourite into the final.

The second danger for the Pushover strategist is that in the final the
"turkey" might win. In that final the RCV strategist has to actually vote
for the turkey and hope that
his vote is overwhelmed by others.  The STAR strategist doesn't have that
problem. He can choose between "pushover-lite" where he gives the turkey
the second-highest
possible score so that his vote still helps his favourite beat the turkey
in the final,  and "full" pushover to maximise his help for the turkey into
the final in which case in the
final his vote merely has no effect.

Chris Benham

On 1/10/2023 7:14 pm, Rob Lanphier wrote:

Hi Chris,

I'm going to reply to your original email (and quote it on the bottom).
I'm going to replace "SCORE" with "[STAR]" in your email, because you
agreed in an earlier mail that's what you meant

I have a lot clearer idea of what the "pushover" strategy is now, thanks
(at least partially) to your email (thank you!).  My hunch is that the
pushover strategy may not be as well-studied, but it may be that there's
different terminology used in academic circles (perhaps "pied piper"...see
below).  I'm assuming from your email address that you're Australian.  Is
"pushover" strategy common in Australian elections, and commonly named by
that name?  My hunch is that pushover is a bigger problem in IRV/RCV/STV
than it is in more consensus-oriented election methods (like approval, any
Condorcet system, STAR).  I ask this because we don't talk about "pushover"
here in the United States, but it wouldn't surprise me if Australians talk
about it a lot.  We don't have very many places using STV/IRV/RCV, and the
politics of those places (e.g. San Francisco, Cambridge Mass) are treated
like outliers in mainstream political conversation.  San Francisco has
weird politics (which I assert from my office in San Francisco)

There are more places that use "top-two open primary" (like California and
Washington state).  "Pushover" hasn't (yet) made it into the mainstream
political lexicon in either place (that I know of), but I do know that in
2022, the Democratic Party here made a point of trying pushover against the
Republicans in regular first-past-the-post primaries :

https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/09/12/democrats-interfere-republican-primaries/

It was a risky strategy, but (I'm sad to say) it probably worked in 2022.
It failed for Hillary Clinton in 2016 though (see this 2016 article about
Clinton's "pied-piper strategy"):

https://www.salon.com/2016/11/09/the-hillary-clinton-campaign-intentionally-created-donald-trump-with-its-pied-piper-strategy/

This claim you make is interesting:
"[STAR] somehow doesn't 'violate monotonicity' and yet [...] is more
vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does.".

Is that true?  It seems to me that RCV's series of runoffs lead to many
opportunities for weak candidates to snowball via transfers from eliminated
candidates.  The snowball effect in RCV usually snowballs to the center of
public opinion, but can sometimes roll toward the outskirts as candidates
get eliminated and their ballots get transferred to a stronger and stronger
candidate on the outskirts.  With STAR (and Score), I believe the candidate
needs to have strong support from all voters to get a high enough score to
advance (since all ballots are considered in the runoff round), but perhaps
similar polarization can occur under STAR over time.  It's truly an
interesting question which method is more susceptible to pushover.

As for the monotonicity of STAR, I'll need to leave it as an exercise for
the reader.  I'm not sure anyone has proven that STAR is monotonic, though
I suspect that an example of non-monotonic STAR would be a really weird
edge-case.

Rob
p.s. I've replaced "SCORE" with "[STAR]", but won't correct your spelling
of "maximising" nor "favourite", even though my spell checker really wants
me to.  English-speaking people are one people, separated by common
language.  :-)

On Sat, Sep 30, 2023 at 1:07 AM C.Benham cbenham@adam.com.au wrote:

Rob,

A question for Chris (anyone who cares to answer), what's the best
explanation of pushover at a public URL that seems reasonably academically
rigorous (e.g. something that seems like it would pass muster as a citation
on English Wikipedia)?

Blake Cretney (who used to be active here) had a web-page  ("
condorcet.org" I think it was called)
that is unfortunately now extinct. I regret not copying and storing the
definitions/explanations that
were there.

That is where "Push-over" strategy was defined.  As I recall it said
something simple like
"the strategy of promoting a weak alternative for it to be beaten by a
preferred stronger one".

But really I think we are in the realm of common-sense and the bleeding
obvious rather than being
in awe of and deferring to academic authority.  Whatever it is exactly
called, in the US political system it must be commonplace.

Because (at least in some states) you have open public party primaries.
Suppose you are a supporter of party A, and either you are happy with all
the candidates running in A's primary election (or you are confidant that
your favourite can win that primary without your help, or something in
between) and so you decide to instead vote in main rival party B's primary
to vote not for your sincere lesser evil but for the candidate you think
would have the smallest chance of beating the A candidate in the general
election.

You would be using a Push-over strategy.

Likewise suppose the method is plurality Top-Two Runoff.  If you are
confident that your favorite can make it into the top two without your help
then in the first round you might vote for a candidate (of course
preferably among the other front-runners for the second spot) that you
think most likely to lose in the runoff against your favourite. Then in the
final you can vote sincerely.

If the method is approval TTR, things are much easier for the pushover
strategists because they don't have to rely on on other voters to get their
favourite into the final two, and also they don't have to limit themselves
to promoting just one weak candidate.

If you only care about electing your favourite, the obvious strategy is
to approve your favourite and all the candidates that you are confident can
neither displace your favourite out of the top two or pairwise beat your
favourite in the final.

[STAR] is similar.  There one can choose between maximising the chance
that a weak candidate will get in to the final two, or weakening your vote
for the weak candidate to just below maximum (4 instead of 5) so as to help
your favourite win the top-two pairwise comparison.

In comparison with the methods I've so far mentioned in RCV (fka IRV) the
would-be pushover strategists face the greatest problems and risks. They
have to rely entirely on other voters to both get their sincere favourite
into the final top two and also to overcome the strategists' own votes, for
the strategists' sincere favourite to win the final two comparison.

That electowiki entry you linked to:

Pushover[edit
https://electowiki.org/w/index.php?title=Tactical_voting&veaction=edit&section=4
| edit source
https://electowiki.org/w/index.php?title=Tactical_voting&action=edit&section=4
]

Push-over is a type of tactical voting that is only useful in methods
that violate monotonicity https://electowiki.org/wiki/Monotonicity. It
may involve a voter ranking or rating an alternative lower in the hope of
getting it elected, or ranking or rating an alternative higher in the hope
of defeating it. Also known as a paradoxical strategy. Note that it is
usually very difficult to successfully pull off, and often backfires (i.e.
elects the pushed over candidate).

The first sentence looks like something I recall from that extinct page.
It is correct in the universe of pure ranking methods. But according to
apparent consensus here (and a wikipedia page you linked to)  [STAR]
somehow doesn't "violate monotonicity" and yet (as I've discussed) is more
vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does.

Regarding the last bit, I've no idea how the author would know that it
"often backfires", or have any idea how "often" it is attempted.

Chris Benham

Rob Lanphier roblan at gmail.com
<election-methods%40lists.electorama.com?Subject=Re%3A%20%5BEM%5D%20St.%20Louis%20and%20Pushover%20%28Re%3A%20Reply%20to%20Rob%20regarding%20RCV%29&In-Reply-To=%3CCAK9hOYnPv5QaWnZhEhgAK6P08XyHdA1ew1p2fRn%2B0jD58DsUkA%40mail.gmail.com%3E>
Tue Sep 26 21:39:35 PDT 2023

Hi Chris

Regarding former St. Louis resident Lewis Reed's preference of voting
system, I'm not sure.  I suspect he was selling his preference to the
highest bidder, and since he was still the President of the St. Louis Board
of Aldermen, he presumably had influence in STL politics (until the bribery
case in court made him politically radioactive).  Whatever remaining
influence Reed may still have is waning with every day he spends in an
Arkansas prison, where I believe he lives today. Something tells me that
electoral reform is the least of Reed's worries in 2023.

Regarding approval's potential vulnerability to pushover when used in a
top-two primary, I'm personally not very concerned about the theoretical
possibility.  Perhaps in the far future, we'll have really sophisticated
voters who understand how to strategically influence the primary in a way
that causes top-two approval to fail in a way that causes problems.  My
sense is that St. Louis (which uses top-two approval) has bigger problems
than sophisticated attempts at "pushover"

I believe that St. Louis voters just wanted a good mayor in 2021, and
approved many competitors to Lewis Reed (including Tishaura Jones and Cara
Spencer).  From my analysis, it looks like the wealthier voters in the
southern portion of St. Louis (i.e. the type that pay handsomely for
produce at farmers' markets in mall parking lots on the weekends to assuage
their guilt for the collapse of the independent farming in the United
States) voted for Cara Spencer.  The voters in the northern part of the
city (in the floodplain at the confluence of the Missouri and Mississippi
Rivers, which USUALLY doesn't flood very much) voted for Tishaura Jones.
Given the demographics of St. Louis (43% Black, 42.9% non-Hispanic White,
5.1% Hispanic, 4.1% Asian, 1.0% Hispanic White), it seems like a Tishaura
Jones was a great choice to succeed their longtime White mayor.  Northern
St. Louis is largely Black and Hispanic, and it's in really rough shape,
despite having some fantastic old brick houses and lots of fantastic real
estate that is available for very little money (see https://youtu.be/SPyjYQALnrE).  Jones is the first Black mayor of St.
Louis since 2001, and third Black mayor that the city has ever had (and the
first Black woman in the role).

Based on my cursory research, I'm not sure the "pushover" phenomenon is
well known outside of the jargon-speaking electoral reform community (and
perhaps not even here).  Note that the electowiki section about pushover
has no citations, and the "push over" section of a similar article on
English Wikipedia even has the infamous "citation needed" tag:

- https://electowiki.org/wiki/Tactical_voting#Pushover
-
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tactical_manipulation_of_runoff_voting#Push_over

Note: the "Push over" section appears to have had the "citation needed"
banner on it since 2009, which means that said banner is almost old enough
to get its driver's licence in many places.  I have a hard time taking the
criterion too seriously given that it doesn't seem to warrant its own
article on English Wikipedia.  It seems all of the important ones have
articles:

-
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Comparison_of_electoral_systems#Compliance_of_selected_single-winner_methods

A question for Chris (anyone who cares to answer), what's the best
explanation of pushover at a public URL that seems reasonably academically
rigorous (e.g. something that seems like it would pass muster as a citation
on English Wikipedia)?

Rob

p.s. having driven through St. Louis many times (and even stayed there a
couple of nights), it's not hard to guess where the powers-that-be drew the
red lines:https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/366759e8b76c46efbf6ff9e8fff3ac0b


Election-Methods mailing list - see https://electorama.com/em for list
info

Hi Chris, I posted about our discussion in the STAR Voting Slack (see here for signing up: <https://www.starvoting.org/get_involved>), and I quickly received a reply from the author of this piece from June 2023: https://voting-in-the-abstract.medium.com/the-effectiveness-of-dishonest-strategies-in-different-voting-methods-8fb9ff50a490 I could say more about the topic, but I think I'm going to just encourage you to read what Marcus Ogren wrote (since it is incredibly apropos to our conversation here). I'm being a bit reckless by posting the link before doing more than a quick skim, but from what I know about Marcus, my hunch is that there isn't a lot of "proof by assertion" in the writeup. Rob On Sun, Oct 1, 2023 at 6:27 PM C.Benham <cbenham@adam.com.au> wrote: > Rob, > > Is "pushover" strategy common in Australian elections, and commonly named > by that name? > > > No and no. I've only ever come across the term here, and from that Blake > Cretney page. > > Seats/districts where that would even be a theoretical possibility would > rare. I did read a report in a newspaper > some time in the 1980s that the conservative Liberal Party toyed with the > idea of doing that in one seat, but rejected > the idea on the grounds that it would undermine the perceived integrity of > the election process and so the legitimacy > of the winner. Bear in mind that we have "compulsory voting" which is > popular, because it is widely accepted that > voting is a civic duty. > > In that district the highly predictable FPP order was Right > Centre-Right > > Centre-Left, or if you want the parties' names > Liberal > Australian Democrats > Labor. > > It was also highly predictable that nearly all of the Labor voters would > give their second preference to the Democrat and > that a big majority of the Democrat voters would give their second > preference vote to the Liberal. (Bear in mind that truncation > isn't allowed). > > In that circumstance the Liberals could have organised for some of their > supporters to vote Labor to "rescue" that candidate > from being eliminated, so that instead the Democrat will be eliminated and > then the Liberal will win in the pairwise contest > with Labor. BTW, the Democrat was the sitting member (and it may have > been that party's only seat in the state parliament, > Labor and Liberal are the two major parties). Of course the Democrat was > the Condorcet winner, but no-one even had that > concept. > > This claim you make is interesting: > "[STAR] somehow doesn't 'violate monotonicity' and yet [...] is more > vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does.". > > Is that true? > > > Yes. > > It seems to me that RCV's series of runoffs lead to many opportunities for > weak candidates to snowball via transfers from eliminated candidates. The > snowball effect in RCV usually snowballs to the center of public opinion, > but can sometimes roll toward the outskirts as candidates get eliminated > and their ballots get transferred to a stronger and stronger candidate on > the outskirts. > > > Now you are just talking about things connected with RCV's clone > independence and slight "extremist bias". Nothing to do with Pushover. > > With STAR (and Score), I believe the candidate needs to have strong > support from all voters to get a high enough score to advance (since all > ballots are considered in the runoff round), but perhaps similar > polarization can occur under STAR over time. > > This is also completely irrelevant to Pushover strategy (which doesn't > necessarily have anything to do with polarization). > > It's truly an interesting question which method is more susceptible to > pushover. > > As a matter of simple logic STAR is much more susceptible. The aim of the > Pushover strategist is create a two-candidate final consisting of his > favourite plus a "turkey". > (I've come across the term "turkey-raising" from a US source about voting > methods. Maybe it means the same thing as pushover.) > > One of the dangers for the strategist is that his favourite won't make it > into the final, perhaps being displaced out of it by the turkey. This > danger is obviously much lower > for the STAR strategist because (unlike the RCV strategist) he can fully > vote to help his favourite into the final as well as the turkey. The RCV > strategist has to fully rely > on other voters to get his favourite into the final. > > The second danger for the Pushover strategist is that in the final the > "turkey" might win. In that final the RCV strategist has to actually vote > for the turkey and hope that > his vote is overwhelmed by others. The STAR strategist doesn't have that > problem. He can choose between "pushover-lite" where he gives the turkey > the second-highest > possible score so that his vote still helps his favourite beat the turkey > in the final, and "full" pushover to maximise his help for the turkey into > the final in which case in the > final his vote merely has no effect. > > Chris Benham > > > On 1/10/2023 7:14 pm, Rob Lanphier wrote: > > Hi Chris, > > I'm going to reply to your original email (and quote it on the bottom). > I'm going to replace "SCORE" with "[STAR]" in your email, because you > agreed in an earlier mail that's what you meant > > I have a lot clearer idea of what the "pushover" strategy is now, thanks > (at least partially) to your email (thank you!). My hunch is that the > pushover strategy may not be as well-studied, but it may be that there's > different terminology used in academic circles (perhaps "pied piper"...see > below). I'm assuming from your email address that you're Australian. Is > "pushover" strategy common in Australian elections, and commonly named by > that name? My hunch is that pushover is a bigger problem in IRV/RCV/STV > than it is in more consensus-oriented election methods (like approval, any > Condorcet system, STAR). I ask this because we don't talk about "pushover" > here in the United States, but it wouldn't surprise me if Australians talk > about it a lot. We don't have very many places using STV/IRV/RCV, and the > politics of those places (e.g. San Francisco, Cambridge Mass) are treated > like outliers in mainstream political conversation. San Francisco has > weird politics (which I assert from my office in San Francisco) > > There are more places that use "top-two open primary" (like California and > Washington state). "Pushover" hasn't (yet) made it into the mainstream > political lexicon in either place (that I know of), but I do know that in > 2022, the Democratic Party here made a point of trying pushover against the > Republicans in regular first-past-the-post primaries : > > https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/09/12/democrats-interfere-republican-primaries/ > > It was a risky strategy, but (I'm sad to say) it probably worked in 2022. > It failed for Hillary Clinton in 2016 though (see this 2016 article about > Clinton's "pied-piper strategy"): > > https://www.salon.com/2016/11/09/the-hillary-clinton-campaign-intentionally-created-donald-trump-with-its-pied-piper-strategy/ > > This claim you make is interesting: > "[STAR] somehow doesn't 'violate monotonicity' and yet [...] is more > vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does.". > > Is that true? It seems to me that RCV's series of runoffs lead to many > opportunities for weak candidates to snowball via transfers from eliminated > candidates. The snowball effect in RCV usually snowballs to the center of > public opinion, but can sometimes roll toward the outskirts as candidates > get eliminated and their ballots get transferred to a stronger and stronger > candidate on the outskirts. With STAR (and Score), I believe the candidate > needs to have strong support from all voters to get a high enough score to > advance (since all ballots are considered in the runoff round), but perhaps > similar polarization can occur under STAR over time. It's truly an > interesting question which method is more susceptible to pushover. > > As for the monotonicity of STAR, I'll need to leave it as an exercise for > the reader. I'm not sure anyone has proven that STAR is monotonic, though > I suspect that an example of non-monotonic STAR would be a really weird > edge-case. > > Rob > p.s. I've replaced "SCORE" with "[STAR]", but won't correct your spelling > of "maximising" nor "favourite", even though my spell checker really wants > me to. English-speaking people are one people, separated by common > language. :-) > > On Sat, Sep 30, 2023 at 1:07 AM C.Benham <cbenham@adam.com.au> wrote: > >> Rob, >> >> A question for Chris (anyone who cares to answer), what's the best >> explanation of pushover at a public URL that seems reasonably academically >> rigorous (e.g. something that seems like it would pass muster as a citation >> on English Wikipedia)? >> >> >> Blake Cretney (who used to be active here) had a web-page (" >> condorcet.org" I think it was called) >> that is unfortunately now extinct. I regret not copying and storing the >> definitions/explanations that >> were there. >> >> That is where "Push-over" strategy was defined. As I recall it said >> something simple like >> "the strategy of promoting a weak alternative for it to be beaten by a >> preferred stronger one". >> >> But really I think we are in the realm of common-sense and the bleeding >> obvious rather than being >> in awe of and deferring to academic authority. Whatever it is exactly >> called, in the US political system it must be commonplace. >> >> Because (at least in some states) you have open public party primaries. >> Suppose you are a supporter of party A, and either you are happy with all >> the candidates running in A's primary election (or you are confidant that >> your favourite can win that primary without your help, or something in >> between) and so you decide to instead vote in main rival party B's primary >> to vote not for your sincere lesser evil but for the candidate you think >> would have the smallest chance of beating the A candidate in the general >> election. >> >> You would be using a Push-over strategy. >> >> Likewise suppose the method is plurality Top-Two Runoff. If you are >> confident that your favorite can make it into the top two without your help >> then in the first round you might vote for a candidate (of course >> preferably among the other front-runners for the second spot) that you >> think most likely to lose in the runoff against your favourite. Then in the >> final you can vote sincerely. >> >> If the method is approval TTR, things are much easier for the pushover >> strategists because they don't have to rely on on other voters to get their >> favourite into the final two, and also they don't have to limit themselves >> to promoting just one weak candidate. >> >> If you only care about electing your favourite, the obvious strategy is >> to approve your favourite and all the candidates that you are confident can >> neither displace your favourite out of the top two or pairwise beat your >> favourite in the final. >> >> [STAR] is similar. There one can choose between maximising the chance >> that a weak candidate will get in to the final two, or weakening your vote >> for the weak candidate to just below maximum (4 instead of 5) so as to help >> your favourite win the top-two pairwise comparison. >> >> In comparison with the methods I've so far mentioned in RCV (fka IRV) the >> would-be pushover strategists face the greatest problems and risks. They >> have to rely entirely on other voters to both get their sincere favourite >> into the final top two and also to overcome the strategists' own votes, for >> the strategists' sincere favourite to win the final two comparison. >> >> That electowiki entry you linked to: >> >> Pushover[edit >> <https://electowiki.org/w/index.php?title=Tactical_voting&veaction=edit&section=4> >> | edit source >> <https://electowiki.org/w/index.php?title=Tactical_voting&action=edit&section=4> >> ] >> >> *Push-over* is a type of tactical voting that is only useful in methods >> that violate monotonicity <https://electowiki.org/wiki/Monotonicity>. It >> may involve a voter ranking or rating an alternative lower in the hope of >> getting it elected, or ranking or rating an alternative higher in the hope >> of defeating it. Also known as a *paradoxical* strategy. Note that it is >> usually very difficult to successfully pull off, and often backfires (i.e. >> elects the pushed over candidate). >> >> >> The first sentence looks like something I recall from that extinct page. >> It is correct in the universe of pure ranking methods. But according to >> apparent consensus here (and a wikipedia page you linked to) [STAR] >> somehow doesn't "violate monotonicity" and yet (as I've discussed) is more >> vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does. >> >> Regarding the last bit, I've no idea how the author would know that it >> "often backfires", or have any idea how "often" it is attempted. >> >> Chris Benham >> >> >> >> *Rob Lanphier* roblan at gmail.com >> <election-methods%40lists.electorama.com?Subject=Re%3A%20%5BEM%5D%20St.%20Louis%20and%20Pushover%20%28Re%3A%20Reply%20to%20Rob%20regarding%20RCV%29&In-Reply-To=%3CCAK9hOYnPv5QaWnZhEhgAK6P08XyHdA1ew1p2fRn%2B0jD58DsUkA%40mail.gmail.com%3E> >> *Tue Sep 26 21:39:35 PDT 2023* >> ------------------------------ >> >> Hi Chris >> >> Regarding former St. Louis resident Lewis Reed's preference of voting >> system, I'm not sure. I suspect he was selling his preference to the >> highest bidder, and since he was still the President of the St. Louis Board >> of Aldermen, he presumably had influence in STL politics (until the bribery >> case in court made him politically radioactive). Whatever remaining >> influence Reed may still have is waning with every day he spends in an >> Arkansas prison, where I believe he lives today. Something tells me that >> electoral reform is the least of Reed's worries in 2023. >> >> Regarding approval's potential vulnerability to pushover when used in a >> top-two primary, I'm personally not very concerned about the theoretical >> possibility. Perhaps in the far future, we'll have really sophisticated >> voters who understand how to strategically influence the primary in a way >> that causes top-two approval to fail in a way that causes problems. My >> sense is that St. Louis (which uses top-two approval) has bigger problems >> than sophisticated attempts at "pushover" >> >> I believe that St. Louis voters just wanted a good mayor in 2021, and >> approved many competitors to Lewis Reed (including Tishaura Jones and Cara >> Spencer). From my analysis, it looks like the wealthier voters in the >> southern portion of St. Louis (i.e. the type that pay handsomely for >> produce at farmers' markets in mall parking lots on the weekends to assuage >> their guilt for the collapse of the independent farming in the United >> States) voted for Cara Spencer. The voters in the northern part of the >> city (in the floodplain at the confluence of the Missouri and Mississippi >> Rivers, which USUALLY doesn't flood very much) voted for Tishaura Jones. >> Given the demographics of St. Louis (43% Black, 42.9% non-Hispanic White, >> 5.1% Hispanic, 4.1% Asian, 1.0% Hispanic White), it seems like a Tishaura >> Jones was a great choice to succeed their longtime White mayor. Northern >> St. Louis is largely Black and Hispanic, and it's in really rough shape, >> despite having some fantastic old brick houses and lots of fantastic real >> estate that is available for very little money (see <https://youtu.be/SPyjYQALnrE>). Jones is the first Black mayor of St. >> Louis since 2001, and third Black mayor that the city has ever had (and the >> first Black woman in the role). >> >> Based on my cursory research, I'm not sure the "pushover" phenomenon is >> well known outside of the jargon-speaking electoral reform community (and >> perhaps not even here). Note that the electowiki section about pushover >> has no citations, and the "push over" section of a similar article on >> English Wikipedia even has the infamous "citation needed" tag: >> >> - https://electowiki.org/wiki/Tactical_voting#Pushover >> - >> https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tactical_manipulation_of_runoff_voting#Push_over >> >> Note: the "Push over" section appears to have had the "citation needed" >> banner on it since 2009, which means that said banner is almost old enough >> to get its driver's licence in many places. I have a hard time taking the >> criterion too seriously given that it doesn't seem to warrant its own >> article on English Wikipedia. It seems all of the important ones have >> articles: >> >> - >> https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Comparison_of_electoral_systems#Compliance_of_selected_single-winner_methods >> >> A question for Chris (anyone who cares to answer), what's the best >> explanation of pushover at a public URL that seems reasonably academically >> rigorous (e.g. something that seems like it would pass muster as a citation >> on English Wikipedia)? >> >> Rob >> >> p.s. having driven through St. Louis many times (and even stayed there a >> couple of nights), it's not hard to guess where the powers-that-be drew the >> red lines:https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/366759e8b76c46efbf6ff9e8fff3ac0b >> >> >> ---- >> Election-Methods mailing list - see https://electorama.com/em for list >> info >> >
C
C.Benham
Mon, Oct 2, 2023 5:07 AM

Kristofer,

What does "IIRC" mean?

I can see two ways to interpret pushover. The definition from
Electowiki is:

"Push-over is a type of tactical voting that is only useful in methods
that violate monotonicity. It may involve a voter ranking or rating an
alternative lower in the hope of getting it elected, or ranking or
rating an alternative higher in the hope of defeating it."

Courtesy of someone (I'm sure a promoter of STAR) Electowiki has been
made much worse (IMHO) than it used to be, and so is now not great.

The older definition you helpfully recovered from Condorcet.org :

push-over
The strategy of ranking a weak alternative higher than one's preferred
alternative, which may be useful in a method that violates
monotonicity
https://web.archive.org/web/20090713234702/http://www.condorcet.org:80/emr/defn.shtml#monotonicity.
monotonicity
The property of a method where an alternative can never be made to
succeed by being ranked lower on some ballots.  Doing this is using
the "push-over
https://web.archive.org/web/20090713234702/http://www.condorcet.org:80/emr/defn.shtml#push-over"
strategy.

I think this old Blake Cretney definition is right if we assume strict
ranking ballots (i.e. no above-bottom equal-ranking allowed).

A strict interpretation considers "defeating it" to mean "turn the
candidate from winning to no longer winning".

No, I think it is about raising a "weak" candidate in order to "defeat
it" (and thereby win the election) instead of losing to a stronger
candidate in the final decisive part
of the election process.

You seem to be right about STAR meeting mono-raise.   I suspect that the
Electowiki entry is an attempt to define Push-over in such a way that it
can't be a problem for STAR.

Chris B.

On 1/10/2023 11:38 pm, Kristofer Munsterhjelm wrote:

On 10/1/23 10:44, Rob Lanphier wrote:

This claim you make is interesting:
  "[STAR] somehow doesn't 'violate monotonicity' and yet [...] is
more vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does.".

Is that true?  It seems to me that RCV's series of runoffs lead to
many opportunities for weak candidates to snowball via transfers from
eliminated candidates.  The snowball effect in RCV usually snowballs
to the center of public opinion, but can sometimes roll toward the
outskirts as candidates get eliminated and their ballots get
transferred to a stronger and stronger candidate on the outskirts. 
With STAR (and Score), I believe the candidate needs to have strong
support from all voters to get a high enough score to advance (since
all ballots are considered in the runoff round), but perhaps similar
polarization can occur under STAR over time.  It's truly an
interesting question which method is more susceptible to pushover.

I think this problem is about how to interpret pushover. Mono-raise
IIRC comes in these two forms:

  1. If you raise A and A goes from winning to losing, that's a failure.
  2. If you lower A and A goes from losing to winning, that's a failure.

Suppose A is the winner in STAR. Then raising A can't bump him off the
top two who advance to the final, nor can it reverse A's pairwise
victory over the other finalist B.

Similarly, lowering A's score can't get A into the top two if he
wasn't already, nor can it turn B>A into A>B. So STAR is monotone.

I can see two ways to interpret pushover. The definition from
Electowiki is:

"Push-over is a type of tactical voting that is only useful in methods
that violate monotonicity. It may involve a voter ranking or rating an
alternative lower in the hope of getting it elected, or ranking or
rating an alternative higher in the hope of defeating it."

A strict interpretation considers "defeating it" to mean "turn the
candidate from winning to no longer winning". That interpretation thus
is:

  1. If you prefer B to A, A is winning, and you raise your
    ranking/rating of A with the intent of having the result change from A
    to B, then that's pushover strategy.

  2. If you prefer B to A, A is winning, and you lower your
    ranking/rating of B with the intent of having the result change from A
    to B, then that's also pushover strategy.

I.e. the candidate you're altering the position of must be either the
candidate who's winning or the candidate you want to win. By this
interpretation, pushover implies monotonicity failure, because if
raising A made A lose, that's a failure of the first kind, and if
lowering B made B win, that's a failure of the second kind.

STAR does not have this particular type of pushover.

But here's a looser type of pushover:

  1. If you prefer B to A, A is winning, and you raise your
    ranking/rating of some other candidate X with the intent of having the
    result change from A to B...

  2. (same as #2 above)

then STAR does fail. Suppose B beats X pairwise but A beats B
pairwise, and the finalist set before strategizing is {A, B} so that A
wins... then by increasing your rating of X, you might bump A off the
set so that it's {B, X} instead, after which B beats X and wins.

The "pied piper" strategy seems to be closer to this type than the
strict interpretation. A is the mainstream Republican, B is the
mainstream Democrat, and X is the outrageous Republican. By supporting
X, the Democrats intend to induce some Republican voters to "rank or
rate X higher", i.e vote for X rather than A in the primary. The
intended effect is to knock A out, which leads to the general being
between B and X, where B then (presumably) wins.

(But not if X is Trump: then you get a backfire.)

Strictly speaking, a monotone ranked method could also have this type
of pushover strategy, e.g. a voter voting:

B>A>C>D>E>F>X

leads A to win, but

B>A>X>C>D>E>F

leads B to win. But because the strict version implies nonmonotonicity
and ranking X higher is often accompanied by A being ranked lower,
it's associated with nonmonotonicity for ranked methods. I'm not aware
of any monotone methods with this kind of failure.

-km

Kristofer, What does "IIRC" mean? > I can see two ways to interpret pushover. The definition from > Electowiki is: > > "Push-over is a type of tactical voting that is only useful in methods > that violate monotonicity. It may involve a voter ranking or rating an > alternative lower in the hope of getting it elected, or ranking or > rating an alternative higher in the hope of defeating it." Courtesy of someone (I'm sure a promoter of STAR) Electowiki has been made much worse (IMHO) than it used to be, and so is now not great. The older definition you helpfully recovered from Condorcet.org : > *push-over* > The strategy of ranking a weak alternative higher than one's preferred > alternative, which may be useful in a method that violates > monotonicity > <https://web.archive.org/web/20090713234702/http://www.condorcet.org:80/emr/defn.shtml#monotonicity>. > *monotonicity* > The property of a method where an alternative can never be made to > succeed by being ranked lower on some ballots.  Doing this is using > the "push-over > <https://web.archive.org/web/20090713234702/http://www.condorcet.org:80/emr/defn.shtml#push-over>" > strategy. I think this old Blake Cretney definition is right if we assume strict ranking ballots (i.e. no above-bottom equal-ranking allowed). > A strict interpretation considers "defeating it" to mean "turn the > candidate from winning to no longer winning". No, I think it is about raising a "weak" candidate in order to "defeat it" (and thereby win the election) instead of losing to a stronger candidate in the final decisive part of the election process. You seem to be right about STAR meeting mono-raise.   I suspect that the Electowiki entry is an attempt to define Push-over in such a way that it can't be a problem for STAR. Chris B. On 1/10/2023 11:38 pm, Kristofer Munsterhjelm wrote: > On 10/1/23 10:44, Rob Lanphier wrote: > >> This claim you make is interesting: >>   "[STAR] somehow doesn't 'violate monotonicity' and yet [...] is >> more vulnerable to Pushover than RCV (aka IRV) which does.". >> >> Is that true?  It seems to me that RCV's series of runoffs lead to >> many opportunities for weak candidates to snowball via transfers from >> eliminated candidates.  The snowball effect in RCV usually snowballs >> to the center of public opinion, but can sometimes roll toward the >> outskirts as candidates get eliminated and their ballots get >> transferred to a stronger and stronger candidate on the outskirts.  >> With STAR (and Score), I believe the candidate needs to have strong >> support from all voters to get a high enough score to advance (since >> all ballots are considered in the runoff round), but perhaps similar >> polarization can occur under STAR over time.  It's truly an >> interesting question which method is more susceptible to pushover. > > I think this problem is about how to interpret pushover. Mono-raise > IIRC comes in these two forms: > > 1. If you raise A and A goes from winning to losing, that's a failure. > 2. If you lower A and A goes from losing to winning, that's a failure. > > Suppose A is the winner in STAR. Then raising A can't bump him off the > top two who advance to the final, nor can it reverse A's pairwise > victory over the other finalist B. > > Similarly, lowering A's score can't get A into the top two if he > wasn't already, nor can it turn B>A into A>B. So STAR is monotone. > > I can see two ways to interpret pushover. The definition from > Electowiki is: > > "Push-over is a type of tactical voting that is only useful in methods > that violate monotonicity. It may involve a voter ranking or rating an > alternative lower in the hope of getting it elected, or ranking or > rating an alternative higher in the hope of defeating it." > > A strict interpretation considers "defeating it" to mean "turn the > candidate from winning to no longer winning". That interpretation thus > is: > > 1. If you prefer B to A, A is winning, and you raise your > ranking/rating of A with the intent of having the result change from A > to B, then that's pushover strategy. > > 2. If you prefer B to A, A is winning, and you lower your > ranking/rating of B with the intent of having the result change from A > to B, then that's also pushover strategy. > > I.e. the candidate you're altering the position of must be either the > candidate who's winning or the candidate you want to win. By this > interpretation, pushover implies monotonicity failure, because if > raising A made A lose, that's a failure of the first kind, and if > lowering B made B win, that's a failure of the second kind. > > STAR does not have this particular type of pushover. > > But here's a looser type of pushover: > 1. If you prefer B to A, A is winning, and you raise your > ranking/rating of some other candidate X with the intent of having the > result change from A to B... > > 2. (same as #2 above) > > then STAR *does* fail. Suppose B beats X pairwise but A beats B > pairwise, and the finalist set before strategizing is {A, B} so that A > wins... then by increasing your rating of X, you might bump A off the > set so that it's {B, X} instead, after which B beats X and wins. > > The "pied piper" strategy seems to be closer to this type than the > strict interpretation. A is the mainstream Republican, B is the > mainstream Democrat, and X is the outrageous Republican. By supporting > X, the Democrats intend to induce some Republican voters to "rank or > rate X higher", i.e vote for X rather than A in the primary. The > intended effect is to knock A out, which leads to the general being > between B and X, where B then (presumably) wins. > > (But not if X is Trump: then you get a backfire.) > > Strictly speaking, a monotone ranked method could also have this type > of pushover strategy, e.g. a voter voting: > > B>A>C>D>E>F>X > > leads A to win, but > > B>A>X>C>D>E>F > > leads B to win. But because the strict version implies nonmonotonicity > and ranking X higher is often accompanied by A being ranked lower, > it's associated with nonmonotonicity for ranked methods. I'm not aware > of any monotone methods with this kind of failure. > > -km
KM
Kristofer Munsterhjelm
Mon, Oct 2, 2023 10:49 AM

On 10/2/23 07:07, C.Benham wrote:

Kristofer,

What does "IIRC" mean?

If I Recall Correctly.

I can see two ways to interpret pushover. The definition from
Electowiki is:

"Push-over is a type of tactical voting that is only useful in methods
that violate monotonicity. It may involve a voter ranking or rating an
alternative lower in the hope of getting it elected, or ranking or
rating an alternative higher in the hope of defeating it."

Courtesy of someone (I'm sure a promoter of STAR) Electowiki has been
made much worse (IMHO) than it used to be, and so is now not great.

The older definition you helpfully recovered from Condorcet.org :

push-over
The strategy of ranking a weak alternative higher than one's preferred
alternative, which may be useful in a method that violates
monotonicity
https://web.archive.org/web/20090713234702/http://www.condorcet.org:80/emr/defn.shtml#monotonicity.
monotonicity
The property of a method where an alternative can never be made to
succeed by being ranked lower on some ballots.  Doing this is using
the "push-over
https://web.archive.org/web/20090713234702/http://www.condorcet.org:80/emr/defn.shtml#push-over" strategy.

I think this old Blake Cretney definition is right if we assume strict
ranking ballots (i.e. no above-bottom equal-ranking allowed).

A strict interpretation considers "defeating it" to mean "turn the
candidate from winning to no longer winning".

No, I think it is about raising a "weak" candidate in order to "defeat
it" (and thereby win the election) instead of losing to a stronger
candidate in the final decisive part
of the election process.

You seem to be right about STAR meeting mono-raise.   I suspect that the
Electowiki entry is an attempt to define Push-over in such a way that it
can't be a problem for STAR.

I don't know if it's intentionally made more vague to support STAR.
Believing in ignorance before malice, I would just assume it's just a
vague definition.

Do you think that my example:

B>A>C>D>E>F>X

leads A to win, but

B>A>X>C>D>E>F

leads B to win.

is an instance of pushover? If so, there may be ranked methods that fail
it even though they're monotone, and the problem isn't limited to rated
methods alone.

-km

On 10/2/23 07:07, C.Benham wrote: > Kristofer, > > What does "IIRC" mean? If I Recall Correctly. > >> I can see two ways to interpret pushover. The definition from >> Electowiki is: >> >> "Push-over is a type of tactical voting that is only useful in methods >> that violate monotonicity. It may involve a voter ranking or rating an >> alternative lower in the hope of getting it elected, or ranking or >> rating an alternative higher in the hope of defeating it." > > Courtesy of someone (I'm sure a promoter of STAR) Electowiki has been > made much worse (IMHO) than it used to be, and so is now not great. > > The older definition you helpfully recovered from Condorcet.org : >> *push-over* >> The strategy of ranking a weak alternative higher than one's preferred >> alternative, which may be useful in a method that violates >> monotonicity >> <https://web.archive.org/web/20090713234702/http://www.condorcet.org:80/emr/defn.shtml#monotonicity>. >> *monotonicity* >> The property of a method where an alternative can never be made to >> succeed by being ranked lower on some ballots.  Doing this is using >> the "push-over >> <https://web.archive.org/web/20090713234702/http://www.condorcet.org:80/emr/defn.shtml#push-over>" strategy. > > I think this old Blake Cretney definition is right if we assume strict > ranking ballots (i.e. no above-bottom equal-ranking allowed). > >> A strict interpretation considers "defeating it" to mean "turn the >> candidate from winning to no longer winning". > > No, I think it is about raising a "weak" candidate in order to "defeat > it" (and thereby win the election) instead of losing to a stronger > candidate in the final decisive part > of the election process. > > You seem to be right about STAR meeting mono-raise.   I suspect that the > Electowiki entry is an attempt to define Push-over in such a way that it > can't be a problem for STAR. I don't know if it's intentionally made more vague to support STAR. Believing in ignorance before malice, I would just assume it's just a vague definition. Do you think that my example: >> B>A>C>D>E>F>X >> >> leads A to win, but >> >> B>A>X>C>D>E>F >> >> leads B to win. is an instance of pushover? If so, there may be ranked methods that fail it even though they're monotone, and the problem isn't limited to rated methods alone. -km