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Re: [EM] Sorokin on liberty compared to keep values

RL
Richard Lung
Thu, Jan 26, 2023 6:45 PM

On 26/01/2023 17:21, Richard Lung wrote:

Sorokin on liberty compared to keep values

The masterpiece of the worlds most cited sociologist, Pitirim Sorokin,
Social and Cultural Dynamics views the span of recorded history as a
sacred and secular cultural cycle, he calls ideational and sensate. A
transitional period he calls idealistic. I refer to his 1941
popularisation, The Crisis Of Our Age.

Thus, Sorokin, on liberty, distinguishes sensate liberty and
ideational liberty. Both are described according to a simple ratio:
Sum of means divided by sum of wishes. If ones wishes do not exceed
ones means, this defines personal freedom. Consequently, a ratio of
one wish for one means defines liberty, at a threshold of unity.

This liberty ratio compares to the ratio: one person one vote, which
is usually regarded as an equality principle. From the Sorokin
perspective, however, this universal suffrage is also a liberty
principle. The literal meaning, of the word, vote, is a wish. And what
Sorokin calls the means are the fulfilment of the wish in a count.

Sensate liberty seeks to maximise the fulfilment of ones wishes by
maximising ones means. As long as the wishes do not out-number the
means, a person may still be considered free.According to Sorokin,
ideational liberty follows the opposite course of pursuing freedom.
Instead, it seeks to minimise ones wishes, so that one is free, with
few means.

I would argue that representative democracy belongs to the compromise
idealistic culture, because representation is a compromise between
egoism and altruism. The sensate culture is egoist because it seeks
personal sensory enjoyment. The ideational culture is altruist for
godlike impartiality. Representation involves the sacrifice of
self-representation, by many voters, in order to be represented by
another.

This transfered liberty of the representative may be given by another
simple ratio, the keep value, which is the quota (or elective
proportion of the total vote) divided by the sum of a candidates
votes. If the ratio is unity, the representative is just elected,
freely by the voters, to freely represent them.

The keep value may be considered a transfered version of the Sorokin
liberty ratio, or a transfered liberty ratio.

Representative democracy is an example of what Sorokin calls a culture
of contractual relations. Western statesmen sometimes uphold it, as
the rules-based order, in contrast to the rule of force.

However, Sorokin thought that the contractual culture was no longer
viable, and would pretty well have to be rebuilt on a new more
ideational basis. It had achieved much, as the voluntary agreements of
a free people. But there was generally a bias, in those contracts,
such that they were not entirely free, in practise. And this has
gradually built up a resistance to their acceptance, till a
contractual culture is simply not enough. The reluctance of
non-Western society to align with Western foreign policy, because of
perceived hypocrisy, is only one of innumerable examples thru-out
society. Politics and economics, in general, were viewed by Sorokin,
as a rivalry between state bureaucracy and corporate bureaucracy,
over-riding personal freedom.

A case in point is the world anarchy of election systems.
Anachronistic and dysfunctional voting methods, kept-on by safe-seat
politicians, the epitome of the sensate culture, give way to
demonstrations, strikes, riots and repression.

 Regards,

Richard Lung.

On 26/01/2023 17:21, Richard Lung wrote: > > > Sorokin on liberty compared to keep values > > The masterpiece of the worlds most cited sociologist, Pitirim Sorokin, > Social and Cultural Dynamics views the span of recorded history as a > sacred and secular cultural cycle, he calls ideational and sensate. A > transitional period he calls idealistic. I refer to his 1941 > popularisation, The Crisis Of Our Age. > > Thus, Sorokin, on liberty, distinguishes sensate liberty and > ideational liberty. Both are described according to a simple ratio: > Sum of means divided by sum of wishes. If ones wishes do not exceed > ones means, this defines personal freedom. Consequently, a ratio of > one wish for one means defines liberty, at a threshold of unity. > > This liberty ratio compares to the ratio: one person one vote, which > is usually regarded as an equality principle. From the Sorokin > perspective, however, this universal suffrage is also a liberty > principle. The literal meaning, of the word, vote, is a wish. And what > Sorokin calls the means are the fulfilment of the wish in a count. > > Sensate liberty seeks to maximise the fulfilment of ones wishes by > maximising ones means. As long as the wishes do not out-number the > means, a person may still be considered free.According to Sorokin, > ideational liberty follows the opposite course of pursuing freedom. > Instead, it seeks to minimise ones wishes, so that one is free, with > few means. > > I would argue that representative democracy belongs to the compromise > idealistic culture, because representation is a compromise between > egoism and altruism. The sensate culture is egoist because it seeks > personal sensory enjoyment. The ideational culture is altruist for > godlike impartiality. Representation involves the sacrifice of > self-representation, by many voters, in order to be represented by > another. > > This transfered liberty of the representative may be given by another > simple ratio, the keep value, which is the quota (or elective > proportion of the total vote) divided by the sum of a candidates > votes. If the ratio is unity, the representative is just elected, > freely by the voters, to freely represent them. > > The keep value may be considered a transfered version of the Sorokin > liberty ratio, or a transfered liberty ratio. > > Representative democracy is an example of what Sorokin calls a culture > of contractual relations. Western statesmen sometimes uphold it, as > the rules-based order, in contrast to the rule of force. > > However, Sorokin thought that the contractual culture was no longer > viable, and would pretty well have to be rebuilt on a new more > ideational basis. It had achieved much, as the voluntary agreements of > a free people. But there was generally a bias, in those contracts, > such that they were not entirely free, in practise. And this has > gradually built up a resistance to their acceptance, till a > contractual culture is simply not enough. The reluctance of > non-Western society to align with Western foreign policy, because of > perceived hypocrisy, is only one of innumerable examples thru-out > society. Politics and economics, in general, were viewed by Sorokin, > as a rivalry between state bureaucracy and corporate bureaucracy, > over-riding personal freedom. > > A case in point is the world anarchy of election systems. > Anachronistic and dysfunctional voting methods, kept-on by safe-seat > politicians, the epitome of the sensate culture, give way to > demonstrations, strikes, riots and repression. > >  Regards, > > Richard Lung. > >