I want to discuss the reasoning behind PAR, and to prove some lemmas about
it.
(Note: I've included the latest version of the PAR rules at bottom. I
apologize that these rules have now gone through many iterations, and even
changed how they deal with some edge cases; but I think the basic ideas of
PAR, and the results in most simple realistic scenarios, have remained
consistent.)
First off: there are two basic ideas in PAR: the default rule, and the
tally rule. These ideas are more-or-less independent conceptually, but they
both work together to give the method a good tradeoff between
non-slippery-slope performance in the chicken dilemma without damaging its
performance in a center squeeze situation.
The default rule is intended to "nudge" reasonably-lazy voters to cooperate
in a chicken dilemma. A voter in a chicken dilemma faction has at least one
candidate they support, and one candidate they strongly and saliently
oppose. If they explicitly vote these two "prefer" and "reject", and leave
all others blank, how should that be interpreted? In PAR, that is
interpreted as "accept" for candidates with significant support (defined as
at least 25% top-ranks), but "reject" for relatively-unknown candidates or
clear chicken-dilemma losers (under 25% top-ranks).
If highly-engaged strategic voters know that a large portion of their
faction will vote in the "lazy" style above, it becomes unlikely that
strategy will benefit them. I believe that many voters will be aggressively
strategic if and only if they expect most of the "other side" to be so. If
that's true, nudging the lazy voters away from aggressive strategy will
serve to nudge such "copycat" voters in the same way.
The tally rule in the latest version of PAR is: tally all "prefer" ratings,
and all "accept" ratings except on ballots which prefer the frontrunner,
where the frontrunner is the candidate X (if any) who meets the following
three criteria:
Thus, if no candidate meets these criteria, the PAR winner is simply the
least-rejected candidate.
This method will always elect a voted majority Condorcet winner C, because
such a candidate will always either meet the three criteria, or win by the
fallback rule.
(I realize that the above "proof" is not actually solid. I have not shown
it's impossible for Z to have more top-ranks than C, so that the fallback
tally ends up being used, and then for some other candidate Y to have fewer
rejections than C. But it's pretty hard to do that without creating a
Condorcet cycle.)
However, PAR does not always elect the CW if it is not a majority CW.
Consider the following election:
33: A>B
22: B>A
12: C>B
33: C
A is the most-preferred non-majority-rejected, so start the tally with A as
the frontrunner. A tallies 55, B tallies 34, C tallies 45; A is still in
the lead, so A wins. But B would beat A pairwise by (a nonmajority tally
of) 34 to 33.
In a sense, this is a failure of center squeeze. But if all the C voters
voted C>B, B would win; it is only in cases where it's a minority of them
who do so that A can still win. And this behavior makes it less necessary
for the A voters to "defensively" truncate B, which I think will lead to
more honestly cooperative voting overall.
...
Here are the rules
I said earlier:
This method will always elect a voted majority Condorcet winner C, because
such a candidate will always either meet the three criteria, or win by the
fallback rule.
This last statement is not true.
Say there is a Z who has more top-ranks than C and is not rejected by a
majority. Without loss of generality, assume Z is initially selected as the
frontrunner. Now Z's tally will be their number of above-bottom votes,
while C's tally will be the C>= Z votes. The latter number is, by
assumption, a majority; but it's not necessarily larger than the former
number.
For instance, take the following scenario:
49: Z
48: C>Z
3: >C
C beats Z 51-49, but Z wins PAR 97-3. There are two different semi-honest
strategies available for C to win — either 2 of the >C voters can switch to
C, or 47 of the C>Z voters can switch to C. But C clearly does not win the
election as presented.
What if you add the requirement that every voter will prefer at least one
candidate? That changes the above to:
49: Z
48: C>Z
3: Y>C
But wait a minute; C is no longer the majority Condorcet winner! In order
to restore that property, we must go to:
46: Z
3: Z>C
48: C>Z
3: Y>C
Z still wins. So my claimed property is totally shot. But I have a hard
time imagining that this would really happen. Essentially, 54% of the
voters are "wasting" either the top or bottom of their ballot on Y, when Z
versus C is clearly the contest that matters.
What if we try to make Y more relevant?
23: Z
26: Z>C
25: C>Z
26: Y>C
Yes, Y is more relevant here; they actually have more first-choice support
than C. But still, we have 51% of the voters "wasting" the bottom of their
ballot on Y, even though Y has just 26% above any other candidate. And
furthermore, the Y>C is not at all reciprocated by any C>Y; in that sense,
preferences have some "cyclical tendency".
So I still believe that, in real-world elections, any voted majority
Condorcet winner that exists will win; even though this is definitely not
true as a criterion compliance.
Basically, the TL;DR message of my previous two messages in this thread is:
if there is a voted majority Condorcet winner, then that candidate's
supporters should be sure to reject any rival who will get more
first-choice votes, even if that means bullet voting; and supporters of a
rival who will get a minority of above-bottom votes should top-rank the
VMCW if the VMCW is their second choice. Both of these "strategies" are
relatively obvious, and thus I believe likely on naive ballots, but they
cannot be guaranteed.
2016-11-15 11:59 GMT-05:00 Jameson Quinn jameson.quinn@gmail.com:
I said earlier:
This method will always elect a voted majority Condorcet winner C,
because such a candidate will always either meet the three criteria, or win
by the fallback rule.
This last statement is not true.
Say there is a Z who has more top-ranks than C and is not rejected by a
majority. Without loss of generality, assume Z is initially selected as the
frontrunner. Now Z's tally will be their number of above-bottom votes,
while C's tally will be the C>= Z votes. The latter number is, by
assumption, a majority; but it's not necessarily larger than the former
number.
For instance, take the following scenario:
49: Z
48: C>Z
3: >C
C beats Z 51-49, but Z wins PAR 97-3. There are two different semi-honest
strategies available for C to win — either 2 of the >C voters can switch to
C, or 47 of the C>Z voters can switch to C. But C clearly does not win the
election as presented.
What if you add the requirement that every voter will prefer at least one
candidate? That changes the above to:
49: Z
48: C>Z
3: Y>C
But wait a minute; C is no longer the majority Condorcet winner! In order
to restore that property, we must go to:
46: Z
3: Z>C
48: C>Z
3: Y>C
Z still wins. So my claimed property is totally shot. But I have a hard
time imagining that this would really happen. Essentially, 54% of the
voters are "wasting" either the top or bottom of their ballot on Y, when Z
versus C is clearly the contest that matters.
What if we try to make Y more relevant?
23: Z
26: Z>C
25: C>Z
26: Y>C
Yes, Y is more relevant here; they actually have more first-choice support
than C. But still, we have 51% of the voters "wasting" the bottom of their
ballot on Y, even though Y has just 26% above any other candidate. And
furthermore, the Y>C is not at all reciprocated by any C>Y; in that sense,
preferences have some "cyclical tendency".
So I still believe that, in real-world elections, any voted majority
Condorcet winner that exists will win; even though this is definitely not
true as a criterion compliance.