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Re: [EM] Quick and Clean Burial Resistant Smith

KM
Kristofer Munsterhjelm
Fri, Jan 14, 2022 12:32 PM

On 14.01.2022 12:45, Daniel Carrera wrote:

As in my last email, the "trivial", "reverse", and "moderate" columns
are the fraction of strategy successes that were attributed to each
strategy. I think the result is really interesting:

  1. If an election is susceptible to strategy, 88-98% of the time the
    trivial strategy will work.

  2. Out of the remaining strategy successes, 90-95% are attributed to the
    "reverse" / "poor man's social order" strategy.

Nice! I agree, that is interesting. Benham is known for being pretty
resistant to strategy in general, so I'm wondering if that strategy
resistance forces the remaining weakness to be concentrated around easy
strategies.

Could you try a method from each of the two other categories, and see if
the trivial strategy is so overwhelmingly succcessful on these too?

E.g. Smith//Plurality (Or Smith,Plurality) from the extremely easy to
manipulate category, and Minmax from the intermediate-to-high one.

-km

On 14.01.2022 12:45, Daniel Carrera wrote: > As in my last email, the "trivial", "reverse", and "moderate" columns > are the fraction of strategy successes that were attributed to each > strategy. I think the result is really interesting: > > 1) If an election is susceptible to strategy, 88-98% of the time the > trivial strategy will work. > > 2) Out of the remaining strategy successes, 90-95% are attributed to the > "reverse" / "poor man's social order" strategy. Nice! I agree, that is interesting. Benham is known for being pretty resistant to strategy in general, so I'm wondering if that strategy resistance forces the remaining weakness to be concentrated around easy strategies. Could you try a method from each of the two other categories, and see if the trivial strategy is so overwhelmingly succcessful on these too? E.g. Smith//Plurality (Or Smith,Plurality) from the extremely easy to manipulate category, and Minmax from the intermediate-to-high one. -km
TS
Ted Stern
Fri, Jan 14, 2022 11:02 PM

(re-sent as Reply to All)

Hi Kristofer,

There's a slightly easier way.

Each candidate is asked "How many other candidates defeat you?"

The one with the fewest defeats (the Copeland winner) moves to the right of
the line. If there is a tie, all tied candidates move right.

The candidate(s) on the right is (are) asked, "Which candidates on the left
side of the line defeated you?" And as they are named, they come to the
right of the line.

Each new right-side candidate is asked the same question, and any left-side
candidates named come to the right side.

When none of the candidates on the right can name any other candidates on
the left who have defeated them, the Smith set is complete.

On Thu, Jan 13, 2022 at 2:34 AM Kristofer Munsterhjelm km_elmet@t-online.de
wrote:

On 13.01.2022 04:46, Richard, the VoteFair guy wrote:

Thank you Forest, Colin, and Kristofer for answering my question about
how to manually identify the Smith set.

I now better understand how to do this on paper.

However, I'm still uncertain how it could be done in a public setting
such as on stage in a school auditorium, with an audience watching to
ensure the process is fair. (And creating a video of the process.)

My O(n^2) method would be pretty transparent, I think; it would just get
unwieldy very fast.

First you let each person represent a candidate, and then, for each
person, you have that person ask "do I beat A, B, C..." in turn. This
gives the number of candidates that candidate beats, i.e. the Copeland
score.

Let there be a dividing line: everybody to the right (say) of that line
is in the provisional Smith set, everybody to the left is not. Move the
Copeland winner to the right of the line.

Then ask each other candidate if he beats the first member, second
member, etc. of that set. If yes, move him up to the other side of the
line. If anyone was moved to the right of the line as part of this
round, restart from the first candidate to the left of the line once
you've asked all of them; otherwise, the process is done and the
candidates on the right constitute the Smith set.

-km

Election-Methods mailing list - see https://electorama.com/em for list
info

(re-sent as Reply to All) Hi Kristofer, There's a slightly easier way. Each candidate is asked "How many other candidates defeat you?" The one with the fewest defeats (the Copeland winner) moves to the right of the line. If there is a tie, all tied candidates move right. The candidate(s) on the right is (are) asked, "Which candidates on the left side of the line defeated you?" And as they are named, they come to the right of the line. Each new right-side candidate is asked the same question, and any left-side candidates named come to the right side. When none of the candidates on the right can name any other candidates on the left who have defeated them, the Smith set is complete. On Thu, Jan 13, 2022 at 2:34 AM Kristofer Munsterhjelm <km_elmet@t-online.de> wrote: > On 13.01.2022 04:46, Richard, the VoteFair guy wrote: > > Thank you Forest, Colin, and Kristofer for answering my question about > > how to manually identify the Smith set. > > > > I now better understand how to do this on paper. > > > > However, I'm still uncertain how it could be done in a public setting > > such as on stage in a school auditorium, with an audience watching to > > ensure the process is fair. (And creating a video of the process.) > > My O(n^2) method would be pretty transparent, I think; it would just get > unwieldy very fast. > > First you let each person represent a candidate, and then, for each > person, you have that person ask "do I beat A, B, C..." in turn. This > gives the number of candidates that candidate beats, i.e. the Copeland > score. > > Let there be a dividing line: everybody to the right (say) of that line > is in the provisional Smith set, everybody to the left is not. Move the > Copeland winner to the right of the line. > > Then ask each other candidate if he beats the first member, second > member, etc. of that set. If yes, move him up to the other side of the > line. If anyone was moved to the right of the line as part of this > round, restart from the first candidate to the left of the line once > you've asked all of them; otherwise, the process is done and the > candidates on the right constitute the Smith set. > > -km > ---- > Election-Methods mailing list - see https://electorama.com/em for list > info >
FS
Forest Simmons
Fri, Jan 14, 2022 11:38 PM

Cool!

El vie., 14 de ene. de 2022 3:02 p. m., Ted Stern dodecatheon@gmail.com
escribió:

(re-sent as Reply to All)

Hi Kristofer,

There's a slightly easier way.

Each candidate is asked "How many other candidates defeat you?"

The one with the fewest defeats (the Copeland winner) moves to the right
of the line. If there is a tie, all tied candidates move right.

The candidate(s) on the right is (are) asked, "Which candidates on the
left side of the line defeated you?" And as they are named, they come to
the right of the line.

Each new right-side candidate is asked the same question, and any
left-side candidates named come to the right side.

When none of the candidates on the right can name any other candidates on
the left who have defeated them, the Smith set is complete.

On Thu, Jan 13, 2022 at 2:34 AM Kristofer Munsterhjelm <
km_elmet@t-online.de> wrote:

On 13.01.2022 04:46, Richard, the VoteFair guy wrote:

Thank you Forest, Colin, and Kristofer for answering my question about
how to manually identify the Smith set.

I now better understand how to do this on paper.

However, I'm still uncertain how it could be done in a public setting
such as on stage in a school auditorium, with an audience watching to
ensure the process is fair. (And creating a video of the process.)

My O(n^2) method would be pretty transparent, I think; it would just get
unwieldy very fast.

First you let each person represent a candidate, and then, for each
person, you have that person ask "do I beat A, B, C..." in turn. This
gives the number of candidates that candidate beats, i.e. the Copeland
score.

Let there be a dividing line: everybody to the right (say) of that line
is in the provisional Smith set, everybody to the left is not. Move the
Copeland winner to the right of the line.

Then ask each other candidate if he beats the first member, second
member, etc. of that set. If yes, move him up to the other side of the
line. If anyone was moved to the right of the line as part of this
round, restart from the first candidate to the left of the line once
you've asked all of them; otherwise, the process is done and the
candidates on the right constitute the Smith set.

-km

Election-Methods mailing list - see https://electorama.com/em for list
info


Election-Methods mailing list - see https://electorama.com/em for list
info

Cool! El vie., 14 de ene. de 2022 3:02 p. m., Ted Stern <dodecatheon@gmail.com> escribió: > (re-sent as Reply to All) > > Hi Kristofer, > > There's a slightly easier way. > > Each candidate is asked "How many other candidates defeat you?" > > The one with the fewest defeats (the Copeland winner) moves to the right > of the line. If there is a tie, all tied candidates move right. > > The candidate(s) on the right is (are) asked, "Which candidates on the > left side of the line defeated you?" And as they are named, they come to > the right of the line. > > Each new right-side candidate is asked the same question, and any > left-side candidates named come to the right side. > > When none of the candidates on the right can name any other candidates on > the left who have defeated them, the Smith set is complete. > > On Thu, Jan 13, 2022 at 2:34 AM Kristofer Munsterhjelm < > km_elmet@t-online.de> wrote: > >> On 13.01.2022 04:46, Richard, the VoteFair guy wrote: >> > Thank you Forest, Colin, and Kristofer for answering my question about >> > how to manually identify the Smith set. >> > >> > I now better understand how to do this on paper. >> > >> > However, I'm still uncertain how it could be done in a public setting >> > such as on stage in a school auditorium, with an audience watching to >> > ensure the process is fair. (And creating a video of the process.) >> >> My O(n^2) method would be pretty transparent, I think; it would just get >> unwieldy very fast. >> >> First you let each person represent a candidate, and then, for each >> person, you have that person ask "do I beat A, B, C..." in turn. This >> gives the number of candidates that candidate beats, i.e. the Copeland >> score. >> >> Let there be a dividing line: everybody to the right (say) of that line >> is in the provisional Smith set, everybody to the left is not. Move the >> Copeland winner to the right of the line. >> >> Then ask each other candidate if he beats the first member, second >> member, etc. of that set. If yes, move him up to the other side of the >> line. If anyone was moved to the right of the line as part of this >> round, restart from the first candidate to the left of the line once >> you've asked all of them; otherwise, the process is done and the >> candidates on the right constitute the Smith set. >> >> -km >> ---- >> Election-Methods mailing list - see https://electorama.com/em for list >> info >> > ---- > Election-Methods mailing list - see https://electorama.com/em for list > info >
DC
Daniel Carrera
Sat, Jan 15, 2022 12:55 AM

On Fri, Jan 14, 2022 at 6:33 AM Kristofer Munsterhjelm km_elmet@t-online.de
wrote:

Nice! I agree, that is interesting. Benham is known for being pretty
resistant to strategy in general, so I'm wondering if that strategy
resistance forces the remaining weakness to be concentrated around easy
strategies.

Could you try a method from each of the two other categories, and see if
the trivial strategy is so overwhelmingly succcessful on these too?

E.g. Smith//Plurality (Or Smith,Plurality) from the extremely easy to
manipulate category, and Minmax from the intermediate-to-high one.

That was a good hunch. That seems to be the case for Minimax at least. For
Minimax the successful strategies are less skewed toward the easiest ones,
but for Plurality and Hare they seem to be more skewed. I ran a test with
N=4, V=99, C=5, and 20,000 elections.

Method  , 95% c.i.    , trivial, reverse, moderate, majority
Plurality, 0.5807-0.5945, 1.000  , 0.0000 , 0.00000 , 0.318
MiniMax, 0.4032-0.4157, 0.900  , 0.0768 , 0.02284 , 0.210
Benham, 0.0449-0.0505, 0.979  , 0.0188 , 0.00209 , 0.133
Hare    , 0.0660-0.0727, 1.000  , 0.0000 , 0.00000 , 0.137

Incidentally, all the 95% intervals agree with Table 1 of JGA so this makes
me feel more confident that my program is working correctly. In any case,
for Hare and Plurality 100% of the successful strategies were the "trivial"
case. For Benham there are 20 non-trivial strategy successes (18
"reverse" + 2 "JGA"). If Hare had the same trivial/non-trivial ratio as
Benham, you'd expect to see 30 non-trivial successes for Hare. That's large
enough that I should have seen it if it was there. So I feel fairly
confident in saying that Hare and Plurality are both even more heavily
skewed toward the trivial strategy than Benham is.

Lastly, there is Minimax. That one was less heavily skewed toward easy
strategies. Of the successful strategies, 90% were trivial (vs 98% for
Benham) and out of the non-trivial ones, 77% were "reverse" (vs 90% for
Benham). So there seems to be a signal here, but even Minimax seems to be
very heavily skewed toward very easy strategies.

So... in other words... how often is the strategy easy? (i.e. trivial or
"reverse")

Plurality --> 100%
Minimax --> 97.7%
Benham --> 99.8%
Hare --> 100%

Wow.

Cheers,

Dr. Daniel Carrera
Postdoctoral Research Associate
Iowa State University

On Fri, Jan 14, 2022 at 6:33 AM Kristofer Munsterhjelm <km_elmet@t-online.de> wrote: > Nice! I agree, that is interesting. Benham is known for being pretty > resistant to strategy in general, so I'm wondering if that strategy > resistance forces the remaining weakness to be concentrated around easy > strategies. > > Could you try a method from each of the two other categories, and see if > the trivial strategy is so overwhelmingly succcessful on these too? > > E.g. Smith//Plurality (Or Smith,Plurality) from the extremely easy to > manipulate category, and Minmax from the intermediate-to-high one. > That was a good hunch. That seems to be the case for Minimax at least. For Minimax the successful strategies are less skewed toward the easiest ones, but for Plurality and Hare they seem to be *more* skewed. I ran a test with N=4, V=99, C=5, and 20,000 elections. Method , 95% c.i. , trivial, reverse, moderate, majority Plurality, 0.5807-0.5945, 1.000 , 0.0000 , 0.00000 , 0.318 MiniMax, 0.4032-0.4157, 0.900 , 0.0768 , 0.02284 , 0.210 Benham, 0.0449-0.0505, 0.979 , 0.0188 , 0.00209 , 0.133 Hare , 0.0660-0.0727, 1.000 , 0.0000 , 0.00000 , 0.137 Incidentally, all the 95% intervals agree with Table 1 of JGA so this makes me feel more confident that my program is working correctly. In any case, for Hare and Plurality 100% of the successful strategies were the "trivial" case. For Benham there are 20 non-trivial strategy successes (18 "reverse" + 2 "JGA"). If Hare had the same trivial/non-trivial ratio as Benham, you'd expect to see 30 non-trivial successes for Hare. That's large enough that I should have seen it if it was there. So I feel fairly confident in saying that Hare and Plurality are both even more heavily skewed toward the trivial strategy than Benham is. Lastly, there is Minimax. That one was less heavily skewed toward easy strategies. Of the successful strategies, 90% were trivial (vs 98% for Benham) and out of the non-trivial ones, 77% were "reverse" (vs 90% for Benham). So there seems to be a signal here, but even Minimax seems to be very heavily skewed toward very easy strategies. So... in other words... how often is the strategy easy? (i.e. trivial or "reverse") Plurality --> 100% Minimax --> 97.7% Benham --> 99.8% Hare --> 100% Wow. Cheers, -- Dr. Daniel Carrera Postdoctoral Research Associate Iowa State University
DC
Daniel Carrera
Sat, Jan 15, 2022 5:32 AM

On Fri, Jan 14, 2022 at 6:33 AM Kristofer Munsterhjelm km_elmet@t-online.de
wrote:

E.g. Smith//Plurality (Or Smith,Plurality) from the extremely easy to
manipulate category, and Minmax from the intermediate-to-high one.

I forgot you specifically asked about Smith//Plurality. I'm not familiar
with the '//' notation but I'm going to guess that the rule is "find the
Smith set and then find the plurality winner within that". If so, then that
method is like Minimax in that it is less skewed toward the simplest
strategies:

Smith//Plurality

  • 59% susceptible
  • 89% of successful strategies are the trivial one
  • 79% of the non-trivial strategies are the "reverse" strategy and 21% are
    the JGA-style search.

Minimax

  • 41% susceptible
  • 90% of successful strategies are the trivial one
  • 77% of the non-trivial strategies are the "reverse" strategy and 23% are
    the JGA-style search.

Hare

  • 6.9% susceptible
  • 100% of successful strategies are the trivial one

Benham

  • 4.8% susceptible
  • 98% of successful strategies are the trivial one
  • 90% of the non-trivial strategies are the "reverse" strategy and 23% are
    the JGA-style search.

And I should have realized that for "Plurality" it is trivially true that
100% of successful strategies are trivial since only the first choice on
the ballot matters.

Cheers,

Dr. Daniel Carrera
Postdoctoral Research Associate
Iowa State University

On Fri, Jan 14, 2022 at 6:33 AM Kristofer Munsterhjelm <km_elmet@t-online.de> wrote: > E.g. Smith//Plurality (Or Smith,Plurality) from the extremely easy to > manipulate category, and Minmax from the intermediate-to-high one. > I forgot you specifically asked about Smith//Plurality. I'm not familiar with the '//' notation but I'm going to guess that the rule is "find the Smith set and then find the plurality winner within that". If so, then that method is like Minimax in that it is less skewed toward the simplest strategies: Smith//Plurality - 59% susceptible - 89% of successful strategies are the trivial one - 79% of the non-trivial strategies are the "reverse" strategy and 21% are the JGA-style search. Minimax - 41% susceptible - 90% of successful strategies are the trivial one - 77% of the non-trivial strategies are the "reverse" strategy and 23% are the JGA-style search. Hare - 6.9% susceptible - 100% of successful strategies are the trivial one Benham - 4.8% susceptible - 98% of successful strategies are the trivial one - 90% of the non-trivial strategies are the "reverse" strategy and 23% are the JGA-style search. And I should have realized that for "Plurality" it is trivially true that 100% of successful strategies are trivial since only the first choice on the ballot matters. Cheers, -- Dr. Daniel Carrera Postdoctoral Research Associate Iowa State University
CC
Colin Champion
Sat, Jan 15, 2022 2:04 PM

This seems very interesting. If I understand it correctly, Daniel is
saying that when a voting method can be subverted by tactical voting in
such a way that candidate c is elected in place of the rightful winner
w, the subversion can nearly always be accomplished if all voters who
prefer c to w simultaneously compromise on c and bury w.
   I'm surprised that "false cycles" don't come into it. Should I
conclude that artificially placing a candidate second hardly ever
achieves anything not achieved by compromising and burial?
      CJC

On 15/01/2022 05:32, Daniel Carrera wrote:

On Fri, Jan 14, 2022 at 6:33 AM Kristofer Munsterhjelm
<km_elmet@t-online.de mailto:km_elmet@t-online.de> wrote:

 E.g. Smith//Plurality (Or Smith,Plurality) from the extremely easy to
 manipulate category, and Minmax from the intermediate-to-high one.

I forgot you specifically asked about Smith//Plurality. I'm not
familiar with the '//' notation but I'm going to guess that the rule
is "find the Smith set and then find the plurality winner within
that". If so, then that method is like Minimax in that it is less
skewed toward the simplest strategies:

Smith//Plurality

  • 59% susceptible
  • 89% of successful strategies are the trivial one
  • 79% of the non-trivial strategies are the "reverse" strategy and 21%
    are the JGA-style search.

Minimax

  • 41% susceptible
  • 90% of successful strategies are the trivial one
  • 77% of the non-trivial strategies are the "reverse" strategy and 23%
    are the JGA-style search.

Hare

  • 6.9% susceptible
  • 100% of successful strategies are the trivial one

Benham

  • 4.8% susceptible
  • 98% of successful strategies are the trivial one
  • 90% of the non-trivial strategies are the "reverse" strategy and 23%
    are the JGA-style search.

And I should have realized that for "Plurality" it is trivially true
that 100% of successful strategies are trivial since only the first
choice on the ballot matters.

Cheers,

Dr. Daniel Carrera
Postdoctoral Research Associate
Iowa State University


Election-Methods mailing list - see https://electorama.com/em for list info

This seems very interesting. If I understand it correctly, Daniel is saying that when a voting method can be subverted by tactical voting in such a way that candidate c is elected in place of the rightful winner w, the subversion can nearly always be accomplished if all voters who prefer c to w simultaneously compromise on c and bury w.    I'm surprised that "false cycles" don't come into it. Should I conclude that artificially placing a candidate second hardly ever achieves anything not achieved by compromising and burial?       CJC On 15/01/2022 05:32, Daniel Carrera wrote: > On Fri, Jan 14, 2022 at 6:33 AM Kristofer Munsterhjelm > <km_elmet@t-online.de <mailto:km_elmet@t-online.de>> wrote: > > E.g. Smith//Plurality (Or Smith,Plurality) from the extremely easy to > manipulate category, and Minmax from the intermediate-to-high one. > > > I forgot you specifically asked about Smith//Plurality. I'm not > familiar with the '//' notation but I'm going to guess that the rule > is "find the Smith set and then find the plurality winner within > that". If so, then that method is like Minimax in that it is less > skewed toward the simplest strategies: > > Smith//Plurality > - 59% susceptible > - 89% of successful strategies are the trivial one > - 79% of the non-trivial strategies are the "reverse" strategy and 21% > are the JGA-style search. > > Minimax > - 41% susceptible > - 90% of successful strategies are the trivial one > - 77% of the non-trivial strategies are the "reverse" strategy and 23% > are the JGA-style search. > > Hare > - 6.9% susceptible > - 100% of successful strategies are the trivial one > > Benham > - 4.8% susceptible > - 98% of successful strategies are the trivial one > - 90% of the non-trivial strategies are the "reverse" strategy and 23% > are the JGA-style search. > > And I should have realized that for "Plurality" it is trivially true > that 100% of successful strategies are trivial since only the first > choice on the ballot matters. > > Cheers, > -- > Dr. Daniel Carrera > Postdoctoral Research Associate > Iowa State University > > ---- > Election-Methods mailing list - see https://electorama.com/em for list info
KM
Kristofer Munsterhjelm
Sat, Jan 15, 2022 2:41 PM

On 15.01.2022 15:04, Colin Champion wrote:

This seems very interesting. If I understand it correctly, Daniel is
saying that when a voting method can be subverted by tactical voting in
such a way that candidate c is elected in place of the rightful winner
w, the subversion can nearly always be accomplished if all voters who
prefer c to w simultaneously compromise on c and bury w.

Yes, that's correct.

   I'm surprised that "false cycles" don't come into it. Should I
conclude that artificially placing a candidate second hardly ever
achieves anything not achieved by compromising and burial?

The setting may be a bit misleading: in the game that the strategy's
being calculated on, there's first an "honest" round, and then factions
who prefer someone else to the winner get to try to make that someone win.

In particular, there's no hidden information. In a real election, voters
who prefer some Y to X might not know that Y is the candidate they
should be compromising for, and that e.g. trying to compromise for Z
instead would backfire. So adjusting lower ranks may still be useful in
such a situation, or when the voters are aiming for destructive strategy
("anyone but T") rather than constructive.

Since the simulator tests the compromise+burial strategy first, it also
doesn't determine whether a less stark strategy would also have worked.
In a real setting, the candidates may not enjoy total loyalty from Y>X
voters.

As an argument in favor of Range, Warren sketches a scenario where the
frontrunners are X and Y and everybody either votes X>...>Y or Y>...>X.
As a consequence of the majority criterion, either X or Y wins; and then
he says that this probably will lead to two-party domination because the
strategy is self-stabilizing . The results from the strategy
calculations could be used to back up that argument.

However, it may well be that if everybody but one voter is doing so, and
a third party voter does A>X>...>Y instead of X>...>Y, then X still
wins; and so on up until enough tird party voters put A first, after
which A wins. And if the X>Y voters can't all be relied on to put X
first no matter what, then such weaker strategies may grow until there
are no longer only two frontrunners.

Dynamic strategy (my response to your response to...) is much harder to
model than static. But I would expect that methods that resist static
(one-shot) strategy better would also resist dynamic strategy better.

-km

On 15.01.2022 15:04, Colin Champion wrote: > This seems very interesting. If I understand it correctly, Daniel is > saying that when a voting method can be subverted by tactical voting in > such a way that candidate c is elected in place of the rightful winner > w, the subversion can nearly always be accomplished if all voters who > prefer c to w simultaneously compromise on c and bury w. Yes, that's correct. >    I'm surprised that "false cycles" don't come into it. Should I > conclude that artificially placing a candidate second hardly ever > achieves anything not achieved by compromising and burial? The setting may be a bit misleading: in the game that the strategy's being calculated on, there's first an "honest" round, and then factions who prefer someone else to the winner get to try to make that someone win. In particular, there's no hidden information. In a real election, voters who prefer some Y to X might not know that Y is the candidate they should be compromising for, and that e.g. trying to compromise for Z instead would backfire. So adjusting lower ranks may still be useful in such a situation, or when the voters are aiming for destructive strategy ("anyone but T") rather than constructive. Since the simulator tests the compromise+burial strategy first, it also doesn't determine whether a less stark strategy would also have worked. In a real setting, the candidates may not enjoy total loyalty from Y>X voters. As an argument in favor of Range, Warren sketches a scenario where the frontrunners are X and Y and everybody either votes X>...>Y or Y>...>X. As a consequence of the majority criterion, either X or Y wins; and then he says that this probably will lead to two-party domination because the strategy is self-stabilizing . The results from the strategy calculations could be used to back up that argument. However, it may well be that if everybody but one voter is doing so, and a third party voter does A>X>...>Y instead of X>...>Y, then X still wins; and so on up until enough tird party voters put A first, after which A wins. And if the X>Y voters can't all be relied on to put X first no matter what, then such weaker strategies may grow until there are no longer only two frontrunners. Dynamic strategy (my response to your response to...) is much harder to model than static. But I would expect that methods that resist static (one-shot) strategy better would also resist dynamic strategy better. -km
RT
Richard, the VoteFair guy
Sat, Jan 15, 2022 8:50 PM

Thank you Ted!  And Kristofer and Forest!

I'm seeing that the secondary hand-written signs -- that show the win
counts -- are not needed.

Instead, each person who represents a candidate holds all the
hand-written pairwise win signs for which that candidate wins. The other
name on the sign indicates who lost that pairwise comparison.

As Forest suggests, it would be easy for the "candidates" to sort
themselves according to how many signs they are holding.

Then, as Ted suggests:

The one with the fewest defeats (the Copeland winner) moves to the right
of the line. If there is a tie, all tied candidates move right.

The candidate(s) on the right is (are) asked, "Which candidates on the
left side of the line defeated you?" And as they are named, they come to
the right of the line.

Each new right-side candidate is asked the same question, and any
left-side candidates named come to the right side.

When none of the candidates on the right can name any other candidates
on the left who have defeated them, the Smith set is complete.

That makes sense.

Yet I believe that lots of audience members would give more trust to a
method that eliminates candidates one at a time. This is the simplicity
advantage that instant-runoff voting (IRV) has. In contrast, starting
with the Copeland winner might seem like magic to people who fear math.

Would eliminating from the bottom always work?

In the Wikipedia example below, it does work. It identifies B and E as
outside the Smith set, so the remaining candidates are in the Smith set.

5 wins for A

5 wins for D

4 wins for G

3.5 wins for C

2.5 wins for F

1 win for B

0 wins for E

(Half indicates a tie.)

So, my question is: Does elimination from the bottom always work?

My guess is the answer is yes.

Again, thank you for your help!

Richard Fobes

On 1/14/2022 3:02 PM, Ted Stern wrote:

(re-sent as Reply to All)

Hi Kristofer,

There's a slightly easier way.

Each candidate is asked "How many other candidates defeat you?"

The one with the fewest defeats (the Copeland winner) moves to the right
of the line. If there is a tie, all tied candidates move right.

The candidate(s) on the right is (are) asked, "Which candidates on the
left side of the line defeated you?" And as they are named, they come to
the right of the line.

Each new right-side candidate is asked the same question, and any
left-side candidates named come to the right side.

When none of the candidates on the right can name any other candidates
on the left who have defeated them, the Smith set is complete.

On Thu, Jan 13, 2022 at 2:34 AM Kristofer Munsterhjelm
<km_elmet@t-online.de mailto:km_elmet@t-online.de> wrote:

 On 13.01.2022 04:46, Richard, the VoteFair guy wrote:

Thank you Forest, Colin, and Kristofer for answering my question about
how to manually identify the Smith set.

I now better understand how to do this on paper.

However, I'm still uncertain how it could be done in a public setting
such as on stage in a school auditorium, with an audience watching to
ensure the process is fair. (And creating a video of the process.)

 My O(n^2) method would be pretty transparent, I think; it would just get
 unwieldy very fast.

 First you let each person represent a candidate, and then, for each
 person, you have that person ask "do I beat A, B, C..." in turn. This
 gives the number of candidates that candidate beats, i.e. the Copeland
 score.

 Let there be a dividing line: everybody to the right (say) of that line
 is in the provisional Smith set, everybody to the left is not. Move the
 Copeland winner to the right of the line.

 Then ask each other candidate if he beats the first member, second
 member, etc. of that set. If yes, move him up to the other side of the
 line. If anyone was moved to the right of the line as part of this
 round, restart from the first candidate to the left of the line once
 you've asked all of them; otherwise, the process is done and the
 candidates on the right constitute the Smith set.

 -km
 ----
 Election-Methods mailing list - see https://electorama.com/em for
 list info
Thank you Ted! And Kristofer and Forest! I'm seeing that the secondary hand-written signs -- that show the win counts -- are not needed. Instead, each person who represents a candidate holds all the hand-written pairwise win signs for which that candidate wins. The other name on the sign indicates who lost that pairwise comparison. As Forest suggests, it would be easy for the "candidates" to sort themselves according to how many signs they are holding. Then, as Ted suggests: > The one with the fewest defeats (the Copeland winner) moves to the right > of the line. If there is a tie, all tied candidates move right. > > The candidate(s) on the right is (are) asked, "Which candidates on the > left side of the line defeated you?" And as they are named, they come to > the right of the line. > > Each new right-side candidate is asked the same question, and any > left-side candidates named come to the right side. > > When none of the candidates on the right can name any other candidates > on the left who have defeated them, the Smith set is complete. That makes sense. Yet I believe that lots of audience members would give more trust to a method that eliminates candidates one at a time. This is the simplicity advantage that instant-runoff voting (IRV) has. In contrast, starting with the Copeland winner might seem like magic to people who fear math. Would eliminating from the bottom always work? In the Wikipedia example below, it does work. It identifies B and E as outside the Smith set, so the remaining candidates are in the Smith set. 5 wins for A 5 wins for D 4 wins for G 3.5 wins for C 2.5 wins for F 1 win for B 0 wins for E (Half indicates a tie.) So, my question is: Does elimination from the bottom always work? My guess is the answer is yes. Again, thank you for your help! Richard Fobes On 1/14/2022 3:02 PM, Ted Stern wrote: > (re-sent as Reply to All) > > Hi Kristofer, > > There's a slightly easier way. > > Each candidate is asked "How many other candidates defeat you?" > > The one with the fewest defeats (the Copeland winner) moves to the right > of the line. If there is a tie, all tied candidates move right. > > The candidate(s) on the right is (are) asked, "Which candidates on the > left side of the line defeated you?" And as they are named, they come to > the right of the line. > > Each new right-side candidate is asked the same question, and any > left-side candidates named come to the right side. > > When none of the candidates on the right can name any other candidates > on the left who have defeated them, the Smith set is complete. > > On Thu, Jan 13, 2022 at 2:34 AM Kristofer Munsterhjelm > <km_elmet@t-online.de <mailto:km_elmet@t-online.de>> wrote: > > On 13.01.2022 04:46, Richard, the VoteFair guy wrote: > > Thank you Forest, Colin, and Kristofer for answering my question about > > how to manually identify the Smith set. > > > > I now better understand how to do this on paper. > > > > However, I'm still uncertain how it could be done in a public setting > > such as on stage in a school auditorium, with an audience watching to > > ensure the process is fair. (And creating a video of the process.) > > My O(n^2) method would be pretty transparent, I think; it would just get > unwieldy very fast. > > First you let each person represent a candidate, and then, for each > person, you have that person ask "do I beat A, B, C..." in turn. This > gives the number of candidates that candidate beats, i.e. the Copeland > score. > > Let there be a dividing line: everybody to the right (say) of that line > is in the provisional Smith set, everybody to the left is not. Move the > Copeland winner to the right of the line. > > Then ask each other candidate if he beats the first member, second > member, etc. of that set. If yes, move him up to the other side of the > line. If anyone was moved to the right of the line as part of this > round, restart from the first candidate to the left of the line once > you've asked all of them; otherwise, the process is done and the > candidates on the right constitute the Smith set. > > -km > ---- > Election-Methods mailing list - see https://electorama.com/em for > list info >
DC
Daniel Carrera
Sat, Jan 15, 2022 8:50 PM

On Sat, Jan 15, 2022 at 8:41 AM Kristofer Munsterhjelm km_elmet@t-online.de
wrote:

The setting may be a bit misleading: in the game that the strategy's
being calculated on, there's first an "honest" round, and then factions
who prefer someone else to the winner get to try to make that someone win.

In particular, there's no hidden information. In a real election, voters
who prefer some Y to X might not know that Y is the candidate they
should be compromising for, and that e.g. trying to compromise for Z
instead would backfire. So adjusting lower ranks may still be useful in
such a situation, or when the voters are aiming for destructive strategy
("anyone but T") rather than constructive.

It is also worth noting that while real elections don't have perfect
information, they generally do have some information. Most elections are
repeats of previous elections. Candidates change, but party platforms and
political affiliations don't as much. It would actually be interesting to
rethink the "elections" and "candidates" from the simulation as instead
representing relatively fixed voters and parties. We can grab
(electorate,parties) where there was a successful strategy, and have it
repeat the election over and over again, each time allowing coalitions to
shift their votes, until we reach a Nash equilibrium. I'm not exactly sure
what I would do with that information though.

On a mostly unrelated note, I just ran Smith//IRV. Unsurprisingly, it's
similar to Benham, but there is more room for the JGA strategy:

  • N = 4, V = 99, C = 5
  • Smith//IRV
  • 4.7% of elections have successful strategies
  • 94% of successful strategies are the trivial one
  • The remaining strategies are split 38% "reverse" and 62% "JGA".

As an argument in favor of Range, Warren sketches a scenario where the

frontrunners are X and Y and everybody either votes X>...>Y or Y>...>X.
As a consequence of the majority criterion, either X or Y wins; and then
he says that this probably will lead to two-party domination because the
strategy is self-stabilizing . The results from the strategy
calculations could be used to back up that argument.

I'm not sure I understand how this is an argument in favor of Range. The
JGA paper doesn't include Range, but it includes Approval and Approval is
one of the easiest to manipulate systems. I would guess that Range would be
similar. Warren's scenario seems to me like a likely end result of the sort
of repeat elections leading to a Nash equilibrium that I suggested earlier.
If we make the simplifying assumption that every election that can be
manipulated is an electorate that will one day end up in a two-party
system, it would follow that the systems that are hardest to manipulate are
the ones most likely to avoid going down that path.

However, it may well be that if everybody but one voter is doing so, and

a third party voter does A>X>...>Y instead of X>...>Y, then X still
wins; and so on up until enough tird party voters put A first, after
which A wins. And if the X>Y voters can't all be relied on to put X
first no matter what, then such weaker strategies may grow until there
are no longer only two frontrunners.

Dynamic strategy (my response to your response to...) is much harder to
model than static. But I would expect that methods that resist static
(one-shot) strategy better would also resist dynamic strategy better.

That would be my guess too.

--
Dr. Daniel Carrera
Postdoctoral Research Associate
Iowa State University

On Sat, Jan 15, 2022 at 8:41 AM Kristofer Munsterhjelm <km_elmet@t-online.de> wrote: > The setting may be a bit misleading: in the game that the strategy's > being calculated on, there's first an "honest" round, and then factions > who prefer someone else to the winner get to try to make that someone win. > > In particular, there's no hidden information. In a real election, voters > who prefer some Y to X might not know that Y is the candidate they > should be compromising for, and that e.g. trying to compromise for Z > instead would backfire. So adjusting lower ranks may still be useful in > such a situation, or when the voters are aiming for destructive strategy > ("anyone but T") rather than constructive. > It is also worth noting that while real elections don't have perfect information, they generally do have some information. Most elections are repeats of previous elections. Candidates change, but party platforms and political affiliations don't as much. It would actually be interesting to rethink the "elections" and "candidates" from the simulation as instead representing relatively fixed voters and parties. We can grab (electorate,parties) where there was a successful strategy, and have it repeat the election over and over again, each time allowing coalitions to shift their votes, until we reach a Nash equilibrium. I'm not exactly sure what I would do with that information though. On a mostly unrelated note, I just ran Smith//IRV. Unsurprisingly, it's similar to Benham, but there is more room for the JGA strategy: - N = 4, V = 99, C = 5 - Smith//IRV - 4.7% of elections have successful strategies - 94% of successful strategies are the trivial one - The remaining strategies are split 38% "reverse" and 62% "JGA". As an argument in favor of Range, Warren sketches a scenario where the > frontrunners are X and Y and everybody either votes X>...>Y or Y>...>X. > As a consequence of the majority criterion, either X or Y wins; and then > he says that this probably will lead to two-party domination because the > strategy is self-stabilizing . The results from the strategy > calculations could be used to back up that argument. > I'm not sure I understand how this is an argument in favor of Range. The JGA paper doesn't include Range, but it includes Approval and Approval is one of the easiest to manipulate systems. I would guess that Range would be similar. Warren's scenario seems to me like a likely end result of the sort of repeat elections leading to a Nash equilibrium that I suggested earlier. If we make the simplifying assumption that every election that can be manipulated is an electorate that will one day end up in a two-party system, it would follow that the systems that are hardest to manipulate are the ones most likely to avoid going down that path. However, it may well be that if everybody but one voter is doing so, and > a third party voter does A>X>...>Y instead of X>...>Y, then X still > wins; and so on up until enough tird party voters put A first, after > which A wins. And if the X>Y voters can't all be relied on to put X > first no matter what, then such weaker strategies may grow until there > are no longer only two frontrunners. > > Dynamic strategy (my response to your response to...) is much harder to > model than static. But I would expect that methods that resist static > (one-shot) strategy better would also resist dynamic strategy better. > That would be my guess too. -- Dr. Daniel Carrera Postdoctoral Research Associate Iowa State University
KM
Kristofer Munsterhjelm
Sat, Jan 15, 2022 11:53 PM

On 15.01.2022 21:50, Daniel Carrera wrote:

On Sat, Jan 15, 2022 at 8:41 AM Kristofer Munsterhjelm
<km_elmet@t-online.de mailto:km_elmet@t-online.de> wrote:

 The setting may be a bit misleading: in the game that the strategy's
 being calculated on, there's first an "honest" round, and then factions
 who prefer someone else to the winner get to try to make that
 someone win.
 In particular, there's no hidden information. In a real election, voters
 who prefer some Y to X might not know that Y is the candidate they
should be compromising for, and that e.g. trying to compromise for Z
 instead would backfire. So adjusting lower ranks may still be useful in
 such a situation, or when the voters are aiming for destructive strategy
 ("anyone but T") rather than constructive.

It is also worth noting that while real elections don't have perfect
information, they generally do have some information. Most elections are
repeats of previous elections. Candidates change, but party platforms
and political affiliations don't as much. It would actually be
interesting to rethink the "elections" and "candidates" from the
simulation as instead representing relatively fixed voters and parties.
We can grab (electorate,parties) where there was a successful strategy,
and have it repeat the election over and over again, each time allowing
coalitions to shift their votes, until we reach a Nash equilibrium. I'm
not exactly sure what I would do with that information though.

Yeah, I'm not sure either. What we'd want to have is a system where the
honest winner is the equilibrium winner as often as possible, although
Gibbard shows that no method is strategy-proof except combinations of
duple (random pair) and random ballot.

I've at times thought that a more realistic approach would be to use
evolutionary stable strategies, e.g. suppose everybody is honest, then
some small faction defecting can't grow in power to the point where
everybody feels the need to vote tactically. But that's even harder to
model, and some societies are used to tactical voting at the start (e.g.
US Plurality elections), and might thus not fit that very well.

On a mostly unrelated note, I just ran Smith//IRV. Unsurprisingly, it's
similar to Benham, but there is more room for the JGA strategy:

  • N = 4, V = 99, C = 5
  • Smith//IRV
  • 4.7% of elections have successful strategies
  • 94% of successful strategies are the trivial one
  • The remaining strategies are split 38% "reverse" and 62% "JGA".

94% vs 98% is not that much of a difference, but any little bit helps
(as long as it's not too much at the expense of some other desirable
properties of the method). Increasing the need for complex strategy is
also good, of course, because it's easier to imagine trivial or reverse
than some tailor-made strategy.

Now I'm wondering if the strategically resistant methods mainly increase
their resistance by making it impossible for trivial strategy to work in
cases where it would otherwise work. From my experimentation, I've found
out that reversal symmetry usually makes for a susceptible method, and
that rev. sym. and Condorcet together are incompatible with dominant
mutual third burial resistance.

Perhaps it'd be easier to reason about these implications based on the
trivial strategy. Something like: suppose you vote X>...>Y. If there is
a benefit to voting X first, this must also weaken Y's position, because
with the reversed ballots, Y would be helped by this upranking. (That's
only for my stronger sense of reversal symmetry, though.)

I'd have to think more about it, but I think trying to reason about what
kind of properties reduce the effectiveness of trivial strategy could be
a good approach.

 As an argument in favor of Range, Warren sketches a scenario where the
 frontrunners are X and Y and everybody either votes X>...>Y or Y>...>X.
 As a consequence of the majority criterion, either X or Y wins; and then
 he says that this probably will lead to two-party domination because the
 strategy is self-stabilizing . The results from the strategy
 calculations could be used to back up that argument.

I'm not sure I understand how this is an argument in favor of Range. The
JGA paper doesn't include Range, but it includes Approval and Approval
is one of the easiest to manipulate systems. I would guess that Range
would be similar. Warren's scenario seems to me like a likely end result
of the sort of repeat elections leading to a Nash equilibrium that I
suggested earlier. If we make the simplifying assumption that every
election that can be manipulated is an electorate that will one day end
up in a two-party system, it would follow that the systems that are
hardest to manipulate are the ones most likely to avoid going down that
path.

He has a few arguments that generally boil down to "if everybody goes on
a burial/compromising spree, then ranked voting does badly but Range
does not". I think his argument in this particular case is that if
voters are all X>...>Y or Y>...X, a common consensus candidate might
still win in Range (e.g. 52 voters X: 10, A: 9, Y: 0, 49 voters: Y: 10,
A: 9, X: 0, then A wins). So the idea is that the voters, used to two
party rules, don't want to risk honesty and instead vote the lesser evil
top and the greater evil bottom all the time, after which the majority
criterion does the rest.

Similar reasoning can be found in https://rangevoting.org/WVmore.html
which seems to argue that DH3 is a problem even for Condorcet methods
that pass DMTBR (like Smith//IRV, Benham, etc):

But we admit some thinking about cycles was involved, in a sense, in
the decision by the A- and B-voters to use this strategy (which was
intended to create a cycle to prevent C from winning and thus cause A or
B to win). However, we contend many A- and B-voters would have done that
even without ever having heard of Condorcet cycles, since it is a
natural attempt to most-hurt their candidates' perceived major rivals.

In any case, as you say, strategy-resistant methods like the Smith-IRV
hybrids will reduce the chance that strategy works, and so would give
third parties some more room in which to grow.

It would be interesting to do a test with Range; I imagine that it would
be very susceptible to strategy, similar to Approval. And I would also
imagine that STAR would do considerably better.

-km

On 15.01.2022 21:50, Daniel Carrera wrote: > On Sat, Jan 15, 2022 at 8:41 AM Kristofer Munsterhjelm > <km_elmet@t-online.de <mailto:km_elmet@t-online.de>> wrote: > >> The setting may be a bit misleading: in the game that the strategy's >> being calculated on, there's first an "honest" round, and then factions >> who prefer someone else to the winner get to try to make that >> someone win. > >> In particular, there's no hidden information. In a real election, voters >> who prefer some Y to X might not know that Y is the candidate they >> should be compromising for, and that e.g. trying to compromise for Z >> instead would backfire. So adjusting lower ranks may still be useful in >> such a situation, or when the voters are aiming for destructive strategy >> ("anyone but T") rather than constructive. > > > It is also worth noting that while real elections don't have perfect > information, they generally do have some information. Most elections are > repeats of previous elections. Candidates change, but party platforms > and political affiliations don't as much. It would actually be > interesting to rethink the "elections" and "candidates" from the > simulation as instead representing relatively fixed voters and parties. > We can grab (electorate,parties) where there was a successful strategy, > and have it repeat the election over and over again, each time allowing > coalitions to shift their votes, until we reach a Nash equilibrium. I'm > not exactly sure what I would do with that information though. Yeah, I'm not sure either. What we'd want to have is a system where the honest winner is the equilibrium winner as often as possible, although Gibbard shows that no method is strategy-proof except combinations of duple (random pair) and random ballot. I've at times thought that a more realistic approach would be to use evolutionary stable strategies, e.g. suppose everybody is honest, then some small faction defecting can't grow in power to the point where everybody feels the need to vote tactically. But that's even harder to model, and some societies are used to tactical voting at the start (e.g. US Plurality elections), and might thus not fit that very well. > On a mostly unrelated note, I just ran Smith//IRV. Unsurprisingly, it's > similar to Benham, but there is more room for the JGA strategy: > > - N = 4, V = 99, C = 5 > - Smith//IRV > - 4.7% of elections have successful strategies > - 94% of successful strategies are the trivial one > - The remaining strategies are split 38% "reverse" and 62% "JGA". 94% vs 98% is not that much of a difference, but any little bit helps (as long as it's not too much at the expense of some other desirable properties of the method). Increasing the need for complex strategy is also good, of course, because it's easier to imagine trivial or reverse than some tailor-made strategy. Now I'm wondering if the strategically resistant methods mainly increase their resistance by making it impossible for trivial strategy to work in cases where it would otherwise work. From my experimentation, I've found out that reversal symmetry usually makes for a susceptible method, and that rev. sym. and Condorcet together are incompatible with dominant mutual third burial resistance. Perhaps it'd be easier to reason about these implications based on the trivial strategy. Something like: suppose you vote X>...>Y. If there is a benefit to voting X first, this must also weaken Y's position, because with the reversed ballots, Y would be helped by this upranking. (That's only for my stronger sense of reversal symmetry, though.) I'd have to think more about it, but I think trying to reason about what kind of properties reduce the effectiveness of trivial strategy could be a good approach. >> As an argument in favor of Range, Warren sketches a scenario where the >> frontrunners are X and Y and everybody either votes X>...>Y or Y>...>X. >> As a consequence of the majority criterion, either X or Y wins; and then >> he says that this probably will lead to two-party domination because the >> strategy is self-stabilizing . The results from the strategy >> calculations could be used to back up that argument. > > > I'm not sure I understand how this is an argument in favor of Range. The > JGA paper doesn't include Range, but it includes Approval and Approval > is one of the easiest to manipulate systems. I would guess that Range > would be similar. Warren's scenario seems to me like a likely end result > of the sort of repeat elections leading to a Nash equilibrium that I > suggested earlier. If we make the simplifying assumption that every > election that can be manipulated is an electorate that will one day end > up in a two-party system, it would follow that the systems that are > hardest to manipulate are the ones most likely to avoid going down that > path. He has a few arguments that generally boil down to "if everybody goes on a burial/compromising spree, then ranked voting does badly but Range does not". I think his argument in this particular case is that if voters are all X>...>Y or Y>...X, a common consensus candidate might still win in Range (e.g. 52 voters X: 10, A: 9, Y: 0, 49 voters: Y: 10, A: 9, X: 0, then A wins). So the idea is that the voters, used to two party rules, don't want to risk honesty and instead vote the lesser evil top and the greater evil bottom all the time, after which the majority criterion does the rest. Similar reasoning can be found in https://rangevoting.org/WVmore.html which seems to argue that DH3 is a problem even for Condorcet methods that pass DMTBR (like Smith//IRV, Benham, etc): > But we admit some thinking about cycles was involved, in a sense, in > the decision by the A- and B-voters to use this strategy (which was > intended to create a cycle to prevent C from winning and thus cause A or > B to win). However, we contend many A- and B-voters would have done that > even without ever having heard of Condorcet cycles, since it is a > natural attempt to most-hurt their candidates' perceived major rivals. In any case, as you say, strategy-resistant methods like the Smith-IRV hybrids will reduce the chance that strategy works, and so would give third parties some more room in which to grow. It would be interesting to do a test with Range; I imagine that it would be very susceptible to strategy, similar to Approval. And I would also imagine that STAR would do considerably better. -km