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Consensus and PR methods

KM
Kristofer Munsterhjelm
Sat, Mar 3, 2018 7:57 PM

Say we have a consensus method M that works by choosing the council C
that minimizes the maximum penalty p(C, v) for the voter that maximizes
this penalty. That is, the method finds C according to

C = arg min max p(c, v)
c  v

where ties are broken in a leximax fashion (i.e. considering next to
max, then next to next to max and so on). Furthermore let the penalty
"nonnegative" in the sense that any voter with a real preference has at
least as great a penalty as a voter with no preference (the zero voter,
as it were).

Now let the modified consensus method M' be one that has the same
optimization objective, but the method is permitted to remove a Droop
quota of votes to help minimize the penalty.

So M says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the
least?", while M' says "what council displeases the most displeased
voter the least, if we can discard a Droop quota of voters from
consideration?"

Then, are there any properties for p that makes M' satisfy Droop
proportionality? Can we in general turn consensus methods of this form
into PR methods by adding a "you can discard a Droop quota" rule?

If we can, then we easily get a multiwinner version of Bucklin/MJ by
doing the following:

Let g(c, v) be the grade voter v gives to the least preferred candidate
in c.

Let the consensus method M be

C = arg max min g(c, v)
c  v

Let M' permit the method to remove a Droop quota, i.e. if |V| is the
number of voters, and V is the set of voters itself:

C' = arg max c:
max x subset of V so that |x| = |V|/(seats+1):
min v in V \ x:
g(c, v)

For a single-winner election, M' is (up to tiebreaker) just MJ, because
for each potential winner c, the removal step will remove the voters who
grade c the worst, and the Droop quota for single-winner is a majority.
Then the voter grading the c the worst after half of the voters have
been removed is just the median voter.

Some thoughts about two-winner remove-voter minimax Approval follow.
Reasoning about what voter removal actually does can get kinda hairy,
thus I may very well be wrong:

In minimax Approval, p(c, v) is the Hamming distance between c and voter
v's ballot, i.e. the number of candidates in c but not approved by v
plus the number of candidates approved by v not in c.

Say we have an analogous Droop criterion for Approval: if more than k
Droop quotas approve of a set of j candidates (and nobody else), then at
least min(k, j) of these must be elected.

For two winners, there are these possibilities:
1. no Droop constraints
2. k = 2, j >= 2
3. k = 2, j = 1
4. k = 1, j >= 1
5. k = 1, j = 1

  1. is no problem, because we can elect anyone we want without running
    afoul of the Approval DPC.

  2. Since there can only be three Droop quotas in total, when we're
    considering A = {C_1, C_2} with C_1 and C_2 in the set of j candidates
    (call it J), we can eliminate all but the J-voters and the maximum
    penalty is j-2.
    In contrast, for some B = {C_x, C_y} not a subset of j, the best it can
    do is eliminate a Droop quota of the J-voters. In the best case (for B),
    everybody but the J-voters approve of B alone. But there still remains a
    Droop quota (plus one voter) of the J-voters, and each of them gives
    penalty j. So A is preferred to B.
    If B = {C_1, C_x}, then even if everybody but the J-voters approve of B
    alone, the J-voters give penalty j-1. So A is still preferred to B.

  3. Same as in 2, but let A = {C_1, C_x}, J = {C_1}. With A, we eliminate
    so that only the J-voters are left, and then max penalty is 1 (for C_x).
    Furthermore, every remaining voter gives penalty 1. Let B = {C_x, C_y}.
    In the best case for B, a Droop quota of J-voters are eliminated and we
    have a Droop quota plus one left. These all give penalty 2, which is
    worse than penalty 1. So A is preferred to B.

  4. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B here,
    two Droop quotas minus a voter approve only of B, and the remaining
    Droop quota plus one voter approves of J = {C_1}. Eliminating all but
    one of the J-voters gives a max penalty of 3 from that one J-voter: one
    point for not having C_1, and two points for having C_x and C_y. A
    eliminates one of the two B-approving Droop quotas and gets a penalty of
    1 from every remaining voter, which is better.
    Note that I assume that C_x is approved by the B-voters. If that were
    not the case, then {C_x, C_y} would already be beaten by some {C_z, C_y}
    where C_z is. Note also that I don't consider the case where the
    B-voters also approve of a whole load of other candidates, with the idea
    of raising the penalty under A. The problem is that because only two
    candidates can be elected, this would also raise their penalty under B.

  5. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. The best case for B has worst
    penalty j+2, since after a Droop quota of J-voters have been eliminated,
    there remains a single voter who only approves of J. After eliminating
    some of the B-voters, A gets penalty j from the J-voters (j-1 for the
    members of J not part of {C_1, C_x} and one more for C_x which is not
    approved by them), and one penalty point from the B-voters.
    Here it'd seem that adding loads of candidates to the B-voters would
    make things hard. Can it be salvaged?

Suppose there are J-voters and C-voters. B is a subset of C.
When considering outcome B, before excluding a Droop quota, every
J-voter gives a penalty of j+2 and every C-voter gives a penalty of c-2
where c=|C|.
Under outcome A, before excluding, every J-voter gives j, and every
B-voter gives c (-1 for having C_x, +1 for having C_1).
If j+2 > c, then we're in the domain above, and no problem.
If c > j+2, then the excluded candidates under both A and B are C-voters.
So under B we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c-2, and a
Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j+2.
Under A we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c, and a Droop
quota plus one of J-voters at j.

So unless I made a mistake, Hamming distance is not good enough. But I
might have made a mistake, because it seems strange that even in
ordinary minimax Approval, a coalition can increase its power by
approving a lot of clones. E.g. suppose in ordinary minimax Approval
that there are two coalitions of almost equal size:

n+1: A B
n: C1 C2 C3 ... Cq

{A, B} gets worst penalty q+2 (there are n of these and n+1 zeroes)
{A, C1} gets worst penalty q (n voters like C1 but not A)
{C1, C2} gets worst penalty q-2 (n voters give this penalty, and then
n+1 give penalty 4).

... does that mean an arbitrarily small minority can force its own
council to win by just approving enough clones that they set the worst
penalty in every outcome? That feels rather wrong.

Say we have a consensus method M that works by choosing the council C that minimizes the maximum penalty p(C, v) for the voter that maximizes this penalty. That is, the method finds C according to C = arg min max p(c, v) c v where ties are broken in a leximax fashion (i.e. considering next to max, then next to next to max and so on). Furthermore let the penalty "nonnegative" in the sense that any voter with a real preference has at least as great a penalty as a voter with no preference (the zero voter, as it were). Now let the modified consensus method M' be one that has the same optimization objective, but the method is permitted to remove a Droop quota of votes to help minimize the penalty. So M says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the least?", while M' says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the least, if we can discard a Droop quota of voters from consideration?" Then, are there any properties for p that makes M' satisfy Droop proportionality? Can we in general turn consensus methods of this form into PR methods by adding a "you can discard a Droop quota" rule? If we can, then we easily get a multiwinner version of Bucklin/MJ by doing the following: Let g(c, v) be the grade voter v gives to the least preferred candidate in c. Let the consensus method M be C = arg max min g(c, v) c v Let M' permit the method to remove a Droop quota, i.e. if |V| is the number of voters, and V is the set of voters itself: C' = arg max c: max x subset of V so that |x| = |V|/(seats+1): min v in V \ x: g(c, v) For a single-winner election, M' is (up to tiebreaker) just MJ, because for each potential winner c, the removal step will remove the voters who grade c the worst, and the Droop quota for single-winner is a majority. Then the voter grading the c the worst after half of the voters have been removed is just the median voter. Some thoughts about two-winner remove-voter minimax Approval follow. Reasoning about what voter removal actually does can get kinda hairy, thus I may very well be wrong: In minimax Approval, p(c, v) is the Hamming distance between c and voter v's ballot, i.e. the number of candidates in c but not approved by v plus the number of candidates approved by v not in c. Say we have an analogous Droop criterion for Approval: if more than k Droop quotas approve of a set of j candidates (and nobody else), then at least min(k, j) of these must be elected. For two winners, there are these possibilities: 1. no Droop constraints 2. k = 2, j >= 2 3. k = 2, j = 1 4. k = 1, j >= 1 5. k = 1, j = 1 1. is no problem, because we can elect anyone we want without running afoul of the Approval DPC. 2. Since there can only be three Droop quotas in total, when we're considering A = {C_1, C_2} with C_1 and C_2 in the set of j candidates (call it J), we can eliminate all but the J-voters and the maximum penalty is j-2. In contrast, for some B = {C_x, C_y} not a subset of j, the best it can do is eliminate a Droop quota of the J-voters. In the best case (for B), everybody but the J-voters approve of B alone. But there still remains a Droop quota (plus one voter) of the J-voters, and each of them gives penalty j. So A is preferred to B. If B = {C_1, C_x}, then even if everybody but the J-voters approve of B alone, the J-voters give penalty j-1. So A is still preferred to B. 3. Same as in 2, but let A = {C_1, C_x}, J = {C_1}. With A, we eliminate so that only the J-voters are left, and then max penalty is 1 (for C_x). Furthermore, every remaining voter gives penalty 1. Let B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B, a Droop quota of J-voters are eliminated and we have a Droop quota plus one left. These all give penalty 2, which is worse than penalty 1. So A is preferred to B. 5. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B here, two Droop quotas minus a voter approve only of B, and the remaining Droop quota plus one voter approves of J = {C_1}. Eliminating all but one of the J-voters gives a max penalty of 3 from that one J-voter: one point for not having C_1, and two points for having C_x and C_y. A eliminates one of the two B-approving Droop quotas and gets a penalty of 1 from every remaining voter, which is better. Note that I assume that C_x is approved by the B-voters. If that were not the case, then {C_x, C_y} would already be beaten by some {C_z, C_y} where C_z is. Note also that I don't consider the case where the B-voters also approve of a whole load of other candidates, with the idea of raising the penalty under A. The problem is that because only two candidates can be elected, this would also raise their penalty under B. 4. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. The best case for B has worst penalty j+2, since after a Droop quota of J-voters have been eliminated, there remains a single voter who only approves of J. After eliminating some of the B-voters, A gets penalty j from the J-voters (j-1 for the members of J not part of {C_1, C_x} and one more for C_x which is not approved by them), and one penalty point from the B-voters. Here it'd seem that adding loads of candidates to the B-voters would make things hard. Can it be salvaged? Suppose there are J-voters and C-voters. B is a subset of C. When considering outcome B, before excluding a Droop quota, every J-voter gives a penalty of j+2 and every C-voter gives a penalty of c-2 where c=|C|. Under outcome A, before excluding, every J-voter gives j, and every B-voter gives c (-1 for having C_x, +1 for having C_1). If j+2 > c, then we're in the domain above, and no problem. If c > j+2, then the excluded candidates under both A and B are C-voters. So under B we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c-2, and a Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j+2. Under A we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c, and a Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j. So unless I made a mistake, Hamming distance is not good enough. But I might have made a mistake, because it seems strange that even in ordinary minimax Approval, a coalition can increase its power by approving a lot of clones. E.g. suppose in ordinary minimax Approval that there are two coalitions of almost equal size: n+1: A B n: C1 C2 C3 ... Cq {A, B} gets worst penalty q+2 (there are n of these and n+1 zeroes) {A, C1} gets worst penalty q (n voters like C1 but not A) {C1, C2} gets worst penalty q-2 (n voters give this penalty, and then n+1 give penalty 4). ... does that mean an arbitrarily small minority can force its own council to win by just approving enough clones that they set the worst penalty in every outcome? That feels rather wrong.
RL
Richard Lung
Wed, Mar 7, 2018 7:14 PM

So, the academic world has no consensus or standard model of election
method?

On 03/03/2018 19:57, Kristofer Munsterhjelm wrote:

Say we have a consensus method M that works by choosing the council C
that minimizes the maximum penalty p(C, v) for the voter that
maximizes this penalty. That is, the method finds C according to

C = arg min max p(c, v)
         c   v

where ties are broken in a leximax fashion (i.e. considering next to
max, then next to next to max and so on). Furthermore let the penalty
"nonnegative" in the sense that any voter with a real preference has
at least as great a penalty as a voter with no preference (the zero
voter, as it were).

Now let the modified consensus method M' be one that has the same
optimization objective, but the method is permitted to remove a Droop
quota of votes to help minimize the penalty.

So M says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the
least?", while M' says "what council displeases the most displeased
voter the least, if we can discard a Droop quota of voters from
consideration?"

Then, are there any properties for p that makes M' satisfy Droop
proportionality? Can we in general turn consensus methods of this form
into PR methods by adding a "you can discard a Droop quota" rule?

If we can, then we easily get a multiwinner version of Bucklin/MJ by
doing the following:

Let g(c, v) be the grade voter v gives to the least preferred
candidate in c.

Let the consensus method M be

C = arg max min g(c, v)
         c   v

Let M' permit the method to remove a Droop quota, i.e. if |V| is the
number of voters, and V is the set of voters itself:

C' = arg max c:
    max x subset of V so that |x| = |V|/(seats+1):
        min v in V \ x:
            g(c, v)

For a single-winner election, M' is (up to tiebreaker) just MJ,
because for each potential winner c, the removal step will remove the
voters who grade c the worst, and the Droop quota for single-winner is
a majority. Then the voter grading the c the worst after half of the
voters have been removed is just the median voter.

Some thoughts about two-winner remove-voter minimax Approval follow.
Reasoning about what voter removal actually does can get kinda hairy,
thus I may very well be wrong:

In minimax Approval, p(c, v) is the Hamming distance between c and
voter v's ballot, i.e. the number of candidates in c but not approved
by v plus the number of candidates approved by v not in c.

Say we have an analogous Droop criterion for Approval: if more than k
Droop quotas approve of a set of j candidates (and nobody else), then
at least min(k, j) of these must be elected.

For two winners, there are these possibilities:
    1. no Droop constraints
    2. k = 2, j >= 2
    3. k = 2, j = 1
    4. k = 1, j >= 1
    5. k = 1, j = 1

  1. is no problem, because we can elect anyone we want without running
    afoul of the Approval DPC.

  2. Since there can only be three Droop quotas in total, when we're
    considering A = {C_1, C_2} with C_1 and C_2 in the set of j candidates
    (call it J), we can eliminate all but the J-voters and the maximum
    penalty is j-2.
    In contrast, for some B = {C_x, C_y} not a subset of j, the best it
    can do is eliminate a Droop quota of the J-voters. In the best case
    (for B), everybody but the J-voters approve of B alone. But there
    still remains a Droop quota (plus one voter) of the J-voters, and each
    of them gives penalty j. So A is preferred to B.
    If B = {C_1, C_x}, then even if everybody but the J-voters approve of
    B alone, the J-voters give penalty j-1. So A is still preferred to B.

  3. Same as in 2, but let A = {C_1, C_x}, J = {C_1}. With A, we
    eliminate so that only the J-voters are left, and then max penalty is
    1 (for C_x). Furthermore, every remaining voter gives penalty 1. Let B
    = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B, a Droop quota of J-voters are
    eliminated and we have a Droop quota plus one left. These all give
    penalty 2, which is worse than penalty 1. So A is preferred to B.

  4. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B here,
    two Droop quotas minus a voter approve only of B, and the remaining
    Droop quota plus one voter approves of J = {C_1}. Eliminating all but
    one of the J-voters gives a max penalty of 3 from that one J-voter:
    one point for not having C_1, and two points for having C_x and C_y. A
    eliminates one of the two B-approving Droop quotas and gets a penalty
    of 1 from every remaining voter, which is better.
    Note that I assume that C_x is approved by the B-voters. If that were
    not the case, then {C_x, C_y} would already be beaten by some {C_z,
    C_y} where C_z is. Note also that I don't consider the case where the
    B-voters also approve of a whole load of other candidates, with the
    idea of raising the penalty under A. The problem is that because only
    two candidates can be elected, this would also raise their penalty
    under B.

  5. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. The best case for B has
    worst penalty j+2, since after a Droop quota of J-voters have been
    eliminated, there remains a single voter who only approves of J. After
    eliminating some of the B-voters, A gets penalty j from the J-voters
    (j-1 for the members of J not part of {C_1, C_x} and one more for C_x
    which is not approved by them), and one penalty point from the B-voters.
    Here it'd seem that adding loads of candidates to the B-voters would
    make things hard. Can it be salvaged?

Suppose there are J-voters and C-voters. B is a subset of C.
When considering outcome B, before excluding a Droop quota, every
J-voter gives a penalty of j+2 and every C-voter gives a penalty of
c-2 where c=|C|.
Under outcome A, before excluding, every J-voter gives j, and every
B-voter gives c (-1 for having C_x, +1 for having C_1).
If j+2 > c, then we're in the domain above, and no problem.
If c > j+2, then the excluded candidates under both A and B are C-voters.
So under B we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c-2, and a
Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j+2.
Under A we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c, and a Droop
quota plus one of J-voters at j.

So unless I made a mistake, Hamming distance is not good enough. But I
might have made a mistake, because it seems strange that even in
ordinary minimax Approval, a coalition can increase its power by
approving a lot of clones. E.g. suppose in ordinary minimax Approval
that there are two coalitions of almost equal size:

n+1: A B
n: C1 C2 C3 ... Cq

{A, B} gets worst penalty q+2 (there are n of these and n+1 zeroes)
{A, C1} gets worst penalty q (n voters like C1 but not A)
{C1, C2} gets worst penalty q-2 (n voters give this penalty, and then
n+1 give penalty 4).

... does that mean an arbitrarily small minority can force its own
council to win by just approving enough clones that they set the worst
penalty in every outcome? That feels rather wrong.

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So, the academic world has no consensus or standard model of election method? On 03/03/2018 19:57, Kristofer Munsterhjelm wrote: > Say we have a consensus method M that works by choosing the council C > that minimizes the maximum penalty p(C, v) for the voter that > maximizes this penalty. That is, the method finds C according to > > C = arg min max p(c, v) >          c   v > > where ties are broken in a leximax fashion (i.e. considering next to > max, then next to next to max and so on). Furthermore let the penalty > "nonnegative" in the sense that any voter with a real preference has > at least as great a penalty as a voter with no preference (the zero > voter, as it were). > > Now let the modified consensus method M' be one that has the same > optimization objective, but the method is permitted to remove a Droop > quota of votes to help minimize the penalty. > > So M says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the > least?", while M' says "what council displeases the most displeased > voter the least, if we can discard a Droop quota of voters from > consideration?" > > Then, are there any properties for p that makes M' satisfy Droop > proportionality? Can we in general turn consensus methods of this form > into PR methods by adding a "you can discard a Droop quota" rule? > > If we can, then we easily get a multiwinner version of Bucklin/MJ by > doing the following: > > Let g(c, v) be the grade voter v gives to the least preferred > candidate in c. > > Let the consensus method M be > > C = arg max min g(c, v) >          c   v > > Let M' permit the method to remove a Droop quota, i.e. if |V| is the > number of voters, and V is the set of voters itself: > > C' = arg max c: >     max x subset of V so that |x| = |V|/(seats+1): >         min v in V \ x: >             g(c, v) > > For a single-winner election, M' is (up to tiebreaker) just MJ, > because for each potential winner c, the removal step will remove the > voters who grade c the worst, and the Droop quota for single-winner is > a majority. Then the voter grading the c the worst after half of the > voters have been removed is just the median voter. > > > > Some thoughts about two-winner remove-voter minimax Approval follow. > Reasoning about what voter removal actually does can get kinda hairy, > thus I may very well be wrong: > > In minimax Approval, p(c, v) is the Hamming distance between c and > voter v's ballot, i.e. the number of candidates in c but not approved > by v plus the number of candidates approved by v not in c. > > Say we have an analogous Droop criterion for Approval: if more than k > Droop quotas approve of a set of j candidates (and nobody else), then > at least min(k, j) of these must be elected. > > For two winners, there are these possibilities: >     1. no Droop constraints >     2. k = 2, j >= 2 >     3. k = 2, j = 1 >     4. k = 1, j >= 1 >     5. k = 1, j = 1 > > 1. is no problem, because we can elect anyone we want without running > afoul of the Approval DPC. > > 2. Since there can only be three Droop quotas in total, when we're > considering A = {C_1, C_2} with C_1 and C_2 in the set of j candidates > (call it J), we can eliminate all but the J-voters and the maximum > penalty is j-2. > In contrast, for some B = {C_x, C_y} not a subset of j, the best it > can do is eliminate a Droop quota of the J-voters. In the best case > (for B), everybody but the J-voters approve of B alone. But there > still remains a Droop quota (plus one voter) of the J-voters, and each > of them gives penalty j. So A is preferred to B. > If B = {C_1, C_x}, then even if everybody but the J-voters approve of > B alone, the J-voters give penalty j-1. So A is still preferred to B. > > 3. Same as in 2, but let A = {C_1, C_x}, J = {C_1}. With A, we > eliminate so that only the J-voters are left, and then max penalty is > 1 (for C_x). Furthermore, every remaining voter gives penalty 1. Let B > = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B, a Droop quota of J-voters are > eliminated and we have a Droop quota plus one left. These all give > penalty 2, which is worse than penalty 1. So A is preferred to B. > > 5. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B here, > two Droop quotas minus a voter approve only of B, and the remaining > Droop quota plus one voter approves of J = {C_1}. Eliminating all but > one of the J-voters gives a max penalty of 3 from that one J-voter: > one point for not having C_1, and two points for having C_x and C_y. A > eliminates one of the two B-approving Droop quotas and gets a penalty > of 1 from every remaining voter, which is better. > Note that I assume that C_x is approved by the B-voters. If that were > not the case, then {C_x, C_y} would already be beaten by some {C_z, > C_y} where C_z is. Note also that I don't consider the case where the > B-voters also approve of a whole load of other candidates, with the > idea of raising the penalty under A. The problem is that because only > two candidates can be elected, this would also raise their penalty > under B. > > 4. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. The best case for B has > worst penalty j+2, since after a Droop quota of J-voters have been > eliminated, there remains a single voter who only approves of J. After > eliminating some of the B-voters, A gets penalty j from the J-voters > (j-1 for the members of J not part of {C_1, C_x} and one more for C_x > which is not approved by them), and one penalty point from the B-voters. > Here it'd seem that adding loads of candidates to the B-voters would > make things hard. Can it be salvaged? > > Suppose there are J-voters and C-voters. B is a subset of C. > When considering outcome B, before excluding a Droop quota, every > J-voter gives a penalty of j+2 and every C-voter gives a penalty of > c-2 where c=|C|. > Under outcome A, before excluding, every J-voter gives j, and every > B-voter gives c (-1 for having C_x, +1 for having C_1). > If j+2 > c, then we're in the domain above, and no problem. > If c > j+2, then the excluded candidates under both A and B are C-voters. > So under B we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c-2, and a > Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j+2. > Under A we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c, and a Droop > quota plus one of J-voters at j. > > So unless I made a mistake, Hamming distance is not good enough. But I > might have made a mistake, because it seems strange that even in > ordinary minimax Approval, a coalition can increase its power by > approving a lot of clones. E.g. suppose in ordinary minimax Approval > that there are two coalitions of almost equal size: > > n+1: A B > n: C1 C2 C3 ... Cq > > {A, B} gets worst penalty q+2 (there are n of these and n+1 zeroes) > {A, C1} gets worst penalty q (n voters like C1 but not A) > {C1, C2} gets worst penalty q-2 (n voters give this penalty, and then > n+1 give penalty 4). > > ... does that mean an arbitrarily small minority can force its own > council to win by just approving enough clones that they set the worst > penalty in every outcome? That feels rather wrong. > ---- > Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list > info > -- Richard Lung. http://www.voting.ukscientists.com Democracy Science series 3 free e-books in pdf: https://plus.google.com/106191200795605365085 E-books in epub format: https://www.smashwords.com/profile/view/democracyscience --- This email has been checked for viruses by Avast antivirus software. https://www.avast.com/antivirus
JS
Jack Santucci
Wed, Mar 7, 2018 7:19 PM

Consensus in academia? Maybe that cigarettes cause cancer. Maybe.

I jest.

This paper may be helpful:
http://personal.lse.ac.uk/hix/Working_Papers/Carey-Hix-AJPS2011.pdf

On Wed, Mar 7, 2018 at 2:14 PM, Richard Lung voting@ukscientists.com
wrote:

So, the academic world has no consensus or standard model of election
method?

On 03/03/2018 19:57, Kristofer Munsterhjelm wrote:

Say we have a consensus method M that works by choosing the council C
that minimizes the maximum penalty p(C, v) for the voter that maximizes
this penalty. That is, the method finds C according to

C = arg min max p(c, v)
c  v

where ties are broken in a leximax fashion (i.e. considering next to max,
then next to next to max and so on). Furthermore let the penalty
"nonnegative" in the sense that any voter with a real preference has at
least as great a penalty as a voter with no preference (the zero voter, as
it were).

Now let the modified consensus method M' be one that has the same
optimization objective, but the method is permitted to remove a Droop quota
of votes to help minimize the penalty.

So M says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the least?",
while M' says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the least,
if we can discard a Droop quota of voters from consideration?"

Then, are there any properties for p that makes M' satisfy Droop
proportionality? Can we in general turn consensus methods of this form into
PR methods by adding a "you can discard a Droop quota" rule?

If we can, then we easily get a multiwinner version of Bucklin/MJ by
doing the following:

Let g(c, v) be the grade voter v gives to the least preferred candidate
in c.

Let the consensus method M be

C = arg max min g(c, v)
c  v

Let M' permit the method to remove a Droop quota, i.e. if |V| is the
number of voters, and V is the set of voters itself:

C' = arg max c:
max x subset of V so that |x| = |V|/(seats+1):
min v in V \ x:
g(c, v)

For a single-winner election, M' is (up to tiebreaker) just MJ, because
for each potential winner c, the removal step will remove the voters who
grade c the worst, and the Droop quota for single-winner is a majority.
Then the voter grading the c the worst after half of the voters have been
removed is just the median voter.

Some thoughts about two-winner remove-voter minimax Approval follow.
Reasoning about what voter removal actually does can get kinda hairy, thus
I may very well be wrong:

In minimax Approval, p(c, v) is the Hamming distance between c and voter
v's ballot, i.e. the number of candidates in c but not approved by v plus
the number of candidates approved by v not in c.

Say we have an analogous Droop criterion for Approval: if more than k
Droop quotas approve of a set of j candidates (and nobody else), then at
least min(k, j) of these must be elected.

For two winners, there are these possibilities:
1. no Droop constraints
2. k = 2, j >= 2
3. k = 2, j = 1
4. k = 1, j >= 1
5. k = 1, j = 1

  1. is no problem, because we can elect anyone we want without running
    afoul of the Approval DPC.

  2. Since there can only be three Droop quotas in total, when we're
    considering A = {C_1, C_2} with C_1 and C_2 in the set of j candidates
    (call it J), we can eliminate all but the J-voters and the maximum penalty
    is j-2.
    In contrast, for some B = {C_x, C_y} not a subset of j, the best it can
    do is eliminate a Droop quota of the J-voters. In the best case (for B),
    everybody but the J-voters approve of B alone. But there still remains a
    Droop quota (plus one voter) of the J-voters, and each of them gives
    penalty j. So A is preferred to B.
    If B = {C_1, C_x}, then even if everybody but the J-voters approve of B
    alone, the J-voters give penalty j-1. So A is still preferred to B.

  3. Same as in 2, but let A = {C_1, C_x}, J = {C_1}. With A, we eliminate
    so that only the J-voters are left, and then max penalty is 1 (for C_x).
    Furthermore, every remaining voter gives penalty 1. Let B = {C_x, C_y}. In
    the best case for B, a Droop quota of J-voters are eliminated and we have a
    Droop quota plus one left. These all give penalty 2, which is worse than
    penalty 1. So A is preferred to B.

  4. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B here,
    two Droop quotas minus a voter approve only of B, and the remaining Droop
    quota plus one voter approves of J = {C_1}. Eliminating all but one of the
    J-voters gives a max penalty of 3 from that one J-voter: one point for not
    having C_1, and two points for having C_x and C_y. A eliminates one of the
    two B-approving Droop quotas and gets a penalty of 1 from every remaining
    voter, which is better.
    Note that I assume that C_x is approved by the B-voters. If that were not
    the case, then {C_x, C_y} would already be beaten by some {C_z, C_y} where
    C_z is. Note also that I don't consider the case where the B-voters also
    approve of a whole load of other candidates, with the idea of raising the
    penalty under A. The problem is that because only two candidates can be
    elected, this would also raise their penalty under B.

  5. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. The best case for B has worst
    penalty j+2, since after a Droop quota of J-voters have been eliminated,
    there remains a single voter who only approves of J. After eliminating some
    of the B-voters, A gets penalty j from the J-voters (j-1 for the members of
    J not part of {C_1, C_x} and one more for C_x which is not approved by
    them), and one penalty point from the B-voters.
    Here it'd seem that adding loads of candidates to the B-voters would make
    things hard. Can it be salvaged?

Suppose there are J-voters and C-voters. B is a subset of C.
When considering outcome B, before excluding a Droop quota, every J-voter
gives a penalty of j+2 and every C-voter gives a penalty of c-2 where c=|C|.
Under outcome A, before excluding, every J-voter gives j, and every
B-voter gives c (-1 for having C_x, +1 for having C_1).
If j+2 > c, then we're in the domain above, and no problem.
If c > j+2, then the excluded candidates under both A and B are C-voters.
So under B we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c-2, and a
Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j+2.
Under A we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c, and a Droop
quota plus one of J-voters at j.

So unless I made a mistake, Hamming distance is not good enough. But I
might have made a mistake, because it seems strange that even in ordinary
minimax Approval, a coalition can increase its power by approving a lot of
clones. E.g. suppose in ordinary minimax Approval that there are two
coalitions of almost equal size:

n+1: A B
n: C1 C2 C3 ... Cq

{A, B} gets worst penalty q+2 (there are n of these and n+1 zeroes)
{A, C1} gets worst penalty q (n voters like C1 but not A)
{C1, C2} gets worst penalty q-2 (n voters give this penalty, and then n+1
give penalty 4).

... does that mean an arbitrarily small minority can force its own
council to win by just approving enough clones that they set the worst
penalty in every outcome? That feels rather wrong.

Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list
info

--
Richard Lung.
http://www.voting.ukscientists.com
Democracy Science series 3 free e-books in pdf:
https://plus.google.com/106191200795605365085
E-books in epub format:
https://www.smashwords.com/profile/view/democracyscience


This email has been checked for viruses by Avast antivirus software.
https://www.avast.com/antivirus


Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info

--
Jack Santucci, Ph.D.
Independent scholar
http://www.jacksantucci.com

Consensus in academia? Maybe that cigarettes cause cancer. Maybe. I jest. This paper may be helpful: http://personal.lse.ac.uk/hix/Working_Papers/Carey-Hix-AJPS2011.pdf On Wed, Mar 7, 2018 at 2:14 PM, Richard Lung <voting@ukscientists.com> wrote: > So, the academic world has no consensus or standard model of election > method? > > > On 03/03/2018 19:57, Kristofer Munsterhjelm wrote: > >> Say we have a consensus method M that works by choosing the council C >> that minimizes the maximum penalty p(C, v) for the voter that maximizes >> this penalty. That is, the method finds C according to >> >> C = arg min max p(c, v) >> c v >> >> where ties are broken in a leximax fashion (i.e. considering next to max, >> then next to next to max and so on). Furthermore let the penalty >> "nonnegative" in the sense that any voter with a real preference has at >> least as great a penalty as a voter with no preference (the zero voter, as >> it were). >> >> Now let the modified consensus method M' be one that has the same >> optimization objective, but the method is permitted to remove a Droop quota >> of votes to help minimize the penalty. >> >> So M says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the least?", >> while M' says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the least, >> if we can discard a Droop quota of voters from consideration?" >> >> Then, are there any properties for p that makes M' satisfy Droop >> proportionality? Can we in general turn consensus methods of this form into >> PR methods by adding a "you can discard a Droop quota" rule? >> >> If we can, then we easily get a multiwinner version of Bucklin/MJ by >> doing the following: >> >> Let g(c, v) be the grade voter v gives to the least preferred candidate >> in c. >> >> Let the consensus method M be >> >> C = arg max min g(c, v) >> c v >> >> Let M' permit the method to remove a Droop quota, i.e. if |V| is the >> number of voters, and V is the set of voters itself: >> >> C' = arg max c: >> max x subset of V so that |x| = |V|/(seats+1): >> min v in V \ x: >> g(c, v) >> >> For a single-winner election, M' is (up to tiebreaker) just MJ, because >> for each potential winner c, the removal step will remove the voters who >> grade c the worst, and the Droop quota for single-winner is a majority. >> Then the voter grading the c the worst after half of the voters have been >> removed is just the median voter. >> >> >> >> Some thoughts about two-winner remove-voter minimax Approval follow. >> Reasoning about what voter removal actually does can get kinda hairy, thus >> I may very well be wrong: >> >> In minimax Approval, p(c, v) is the Hamming distance between c and voter >> v's ballot, i.e. the number of candidates in c but not approved by v plus >> the number of candidates approved by v not in c. >> >> Say we have an analogous Droop criterion for Approval: if more than k >> Droop quotas approve of a set of j candidates (and nobody else), then at >> least min(k, j) of these must be elected. >> >> For two winners, there are these possibilities: >> 1. no Droop constraints >> 2. k = 2, j >= 2 >> 3. k = 2, j = 1 >> 4. k = 1, j >= 1 >> 5. k = 1, j = 1 >> >> 1. is no problem, because we can elect anyone we want without running >> afoul of the Approval DPC. >> >> 2. Since there can only be three Droop quotas in total, when we're >> considering A = {C_1, C_2} with C_1 and C_2 in the set of j candidates >> (call it J), we can eliminate all but the J-voters and the maximum penalty >> is j-2. >> In contrast, for some B = {C_x, C_y} not a subset of j, the best it can >> do is eliminate a Droop quota of the J-voters. In the best case (for B), >> everybody but the J-voters approve of B alone. But there still remains a >> Droop quota (plus one voter) of the J-voters, and each of them gives >> penalty j. So A is preferred to B. >> If B = {C_1, C_x}, then even if everybody but the J-voters approve of B >> alone, the J-voters give penalty j-1. So A is still preferred to B. >> >> 3. Same as in 2, but let A = {C_1, C_x}, J = {C_1}. With A, we eliminate >> so that only the J-voters are left, and then max penalty is 1 (for C_x). >> Furthermore, every remaining voter gives penalty 1. Let B = {C_x, C_y}. In >> the best case for B, a Droop quota of J-voters are eliminated and we have a >> Droop quota plus one left. These all give penalty 2, which is worse than >> penalty 1. So A is preferred to B. >> >> 5. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B here, >> two Droop quotas minus a voter approve only of B, and the remaining Droop >> quota plus one voter approves of J = {C_1}. Eliminating all but one of the >> J-voters gives a max penalty of 3 from that one J-voter: one point for not >> having C_1, and two points for having C_x and C_y. A eliminates one of the >> two B-approving Droop quotas and gets a penalty of 1 from every remaining >> voter, which is better. >> Note that I assume that C_x is approved by the B-voters. If that were not >> the case, then {C_x, C_y} would already be beaten by some {C_z, C_y} where >> C_z is. Note also that I don't consider the case where the B-voters also >> approve of a whole load of other candidates, with the idea of raising the >> penalty under A. The problem is that because only two candidates can be >> elected, this would also raise their penalty under B. >> >> 4. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. The best case for B has worst >> penalty j+2, since after a Droop quota of J-voters have been eliminated, >> there remains a single voter who only approves of J. After eliminating some >> of the B-voters, A gets penalty j from the J-voters (j-1 for the members of >> J not part of {C_1, C_x} and one more for C_x which is not approved by >> them), and one penalty point from the B-voters. >> Here it'd seem that adding loads of candidates to the B-voters would make >> things hard. Can it be salvaged? >> >> Suppose there are J-voters and C-voters. B is a subset of C. >> When considering outcome B, before excluding a Droop quota, every J-voter >> gives a penalty of j+2 and every C-voter gives a penalty of c-2 where c=|C|. >> Under outcome A, before excluding, every J-voter gives j, and every >> B-voter gives c (-1 for having C_x, +1 for having C_1). >> If j+2 > c, then we're in the domain above, and no problem. >> If c > j+2, then the excluded candidates under both A and B are C-voters. >> So under B we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c-2, and a >> Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j+2. >> Under A we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c, and a Droop >> quota plus one of J-voters at j. >> >> So unless I made a mistake, Hamming distance is not good enough. But I >> might have made a mistake, because it seems strange that even in ordinary >> minimax Approval, a coalition can increase its power by approving a lot of >> clones. E.g. suppose in ordinary minimax Approval that there are two >> coalitions of almost equal size: >> >> n+1: A B >> n: C1 C2 C3 ... Cq >> >> {A, B} gets worst penalty q+2 (there are n of these and n+1 zeroes) >> {A, C1} gets worst penalty q (n voters like C1 but not A) >> {C1, C2} gets worst penalty q-2 (n voters give this penalty, and then n+1 >> give penalty 4). >> >> ... does that mean an arbitrarily small minority can force its own >> council to win by just approving enough clones that they set the worst >> penalty in every outcome? That feels rather wrong. >> ---- >> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list >> info >> >> > -- > Richard Lung. > http://www.voting.ukscientists.com > Democracy Science series 3 free e-books in pdf: > https://plus.google.com/106191200795605365085 > E-books in epub format: > https://www.smashwords.com/profile/view/democracyscience > > > --- > This email has been checked for viruses by Avast antivirus software. > https://www.avast.com/antivirus > > > ---- > Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info > -- Jack Santucci, Ph.D. Independent scholar http://www.jacksantucci.com
RL
Richard Lung
Thu, Mar 8, 2018 1:11 AM

If my old memory serves me tolerably well, isn't this paper something
like an article entitled The Best of Both Worlds, where the authors did
a survey of a tendency for European electoral systems, over the decades,
to have decreased their average magnitude. I forget the details, just
about everything actually. But it may have gone something like: the
constiuencies shrank and the thresholds got higher.
It was an informative statistical survey.
But I think it went awry on what academics are fond of calling
"normative" considerations. Or on the stricture of David Hume, that what
is, is not necessarily right.
I would have put to the authors, as a critic. That was this trend, they
so diligently exposed, but the moving to a "sweet spot" for political
incumbents, with precious little to do with democracy and effective
elections for the voters?

from
Richard Lung.

On 07/03/2018 19:19, Jack Santucci wrote:

Consensus in academia? Maybe that cigarettes cause cancer. Maybe.

I jest.

This paper may be helpful:
http://personal.lse.ac.uk/hix/Working_Papers/Carey-Hix-AJPS2011.pdf

On Wed, Mar 7, 2018 at 2:14 PM, Richard Lung <voting@ukscientists.com
mailto:voting@ukscientists.com> wrote:

 So, the academic world has no consensus or standard model of
 election method?


 On 03/03/2018 19:57, Kristofer Munsterhjelm wrote:

     Say we have a consensus method M that works by choosing the
     council C that minimizes the maximum penalty p(C, v) for the
     voter that maximizes this penalty. That is, the method finds C
     according to

     C = arg min max p(c, v)
              c   v

     where ties are broken in a leximax fashion (i.e. considering
     next to max, then next to next to max and so on). Furthermore
     let the penalty "nonnegative" in the sense that any voter with
     a real preference has at least as great a penalty as a voter
     with no preference (the zero voter, as it were).

     Now let the modified consensus method M' be one that has the
     same optimization objective, but the method is permitted to
     remove a Droop quota of votes to help minimize the penalty.

     So M says "what council displeases the most displeased voter
     the least?", while M' says "what council displeases the most
     displeased voter the least, if we can discard a Droop quota of
     voters from consideration?"

     Then, are there any properties for p that makes M' satisfy
     Droop proportionality? Can we in general turn consensus
     methods of this form into PR methods by adding a "you can
     discard a Droop quota" rule?

     If we can, then we easily get a multiwinner version of
     Bucklin/MJ by doing the following:

     Let g(c, v) be the grade voter v gives to the least preferred
     candidate in c.

     Let the consensus method M be

     C = arg max min g(c, v)
              c   v

     Let M' permit the method to remove a Droop quota, i.e. if |V|
     is the number of voters, and V is the set of voters itself:

     C' = arg max c:
         max x subset of V so that |x| = |V|/(seats+1):
             min v in V \ x:
                 g(c, v)

     For a single-winner election, M' is (up to tiebreaker) just
     MJ, because for each potential winner c, the removal step will
     remove the voters who grade c the worst, and the Droop quota
     for single-winner is a majority. Then the voter grading the c
     the worst after half of the voters have been removed is just
     the median voter.



     Some thoughts about two-winner remove-voter minimax Approval
     follow. Reasoning about what voter removal actually does can
     get kinda hairy, thus I may very well be wrong:

     In minimax Approval, p(c, v) is the Hamming distance between c
     and voter v's ballot, i.e. the number of candidates in c but
     not approved by v plus the number of candidates approved by v
     not in c.

     Say we have an analogous Droop criterion for Approval: if more
     than k Droop quotas approve of a set of j candidates (and
     nobody else), then at least min(k, j) of these must be elected.

     For two winners, there are these possibilities:
         1. no Droop constraints
         2. k = 2, j >= 2
         3. k = 2, j = 1
         4. k = 1, j >= 1
         5. k = 1, j = 1

     1. is no problem, because we can elect anyone we want without
     running afoul of the Approval DPC.

     2. Since there can only be three Droop quotas in total, when
     we're considering A = {C_1, C_2} with C_1 and C_2 in the set
     of j candidates (call it J), we can eliminate all but the
     J-voters and the maximum penalty is j-2.
     In contrast, for some B = {C_x, C_y} not a subset of j, the
     best it can do is eliminate a Droop quota of the J-voters. In
     the best case (for B), everybody but the J-voters approve of B
     alone. But there still remains a Droop quota (plus one voter)
     of the J-voters, and each of them gives penalty j. So A is
     preferred to B.
     If B = {C_1, C_x}, then even if everybody but the J-voters
     approve of B alone, the J-voters give penalty j-1. So A is
     still preferred to B.

     3. Same as in 2, but let A = {C_1, C_x}, J = {C_1}. With A, we
     eliminate so that only the J-voters are left, and then max
     penalty is 1 (for C_x). Furthermore, every remaining voter
     gives penalty 1. Let B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B, a
     Droop quota of J-voters are eliminated and we have a Droop
     quota plus one left. These all give penalty 2, which is worse
     than penalty 1. So A is preferred to B.

     5. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for
     B here, two Droop quotas minus a voter approve only of B, and
     the remaining Droop quota plus one voter approves of J =
     {C_1}. Eliminating all but one of the J-voters gives a max
     penalty of 3 from that one J-voter: one point for not having
     C_1, and two points for having C_x and C_y. A eliminates one
     of the two B-approving Droop quotas and gets a penalty of 1
     from every remaining voter, which is better.
     Note that I assume that C_x is approved by the B-voters. If
     that were not the case, then {C_x, C_y} would already be
     beaten by some {C_z, C_y} where C_z is. Note also that I don't
     consider the case where the B-voters also approve of a whole
     load of other candidates, with the idea of raising the penalty
     under A. The problem is that because only two candidates can
     be elected, this would also raise their penalty under B.

     4. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. The best case for B
     has worst penalty j+2, since after a Droop quota of J-voters
     have been eliminated, there remains a single voter who only
     approves of J. After eliminating some of the B-voters, A gets
     penalty j from the J-voters (j-1 for the members of J not part
     of {C_1, C_x} and one more for C_x which is not approved by
     them), and one penalty point from the B-voters.
     Here it'd seem that adding loads of candidates to the B-voters
     would make things hard. Can it be salvaged?

     Suppose there are J-voters and C-voters. B is a subset of C.
     When considering outcome B, before excluding a Droop quota,
     every J-voter gives a penalty of j+2 and every C-voter gives a
     penalty of c-2 where c=|C|.
     Under outcome A, before excluding, every J-voter gives j, and
     every B-voter gives c (-1 for having C_x, +1 for having C_1).
     If j+2 > c, then we're in the domain above, and no problem.
     If c > j+2, then the excluded candidates under both A and B
     are C-voters.
     So under B we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c-2,
     and a Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j+2.
     Under A we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c, and
     a Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j.

     So unless I made a mistake, Hamming distance is not good
     enough. But I might have made a mistake, because it seems
     strange that even in ordinary minimax Approval, a coalition
     can increase its power by approving a lot of clones. E.g.
     suppose in ordinary minimax Approval that there are two
     coalitions of almost equal size:

     n+1: A B
     n: C1 C2 C3 ... Cq

     {A, B} gets worst penalty q+2 (there are n of these and n+1
     zeroes)
     {A, C1} gets worst penalty q (n voters like C1 but not A)
     {C1, C2} gets worst penalty q-2 (n voters give this penalty,
     and then n+1 give penalty 4).

     ... does that mean an arbitrarily small minority can force its
     own council to win by just approving enough clones that they
     set the worst penalty in every outcome? That feels rather wrong.
     ----
     Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em
     for list info


 -- 
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 <http://www.voting.ukscientists.com>
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 <https://plus.google.com/106191200795605365085>
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 list info

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If my old memory serves me tolerably well, isn't this paper something like an article entitled The Best of Both Worlds, where the authors did a survey of a tendency for European electoral systems, over the decades, to have decreased their average magnitude. I forget the details, just about everything actually. But it may have gone something like: the constiuencies shrank and the thresholds got higher. It was an informative statistical survey. But I think it went awry on what academics are fond of calling "normative" considerations. Or on the stricture of David Hume, that what is, is not necessarily right. I would have put to the authors, as a critic. That was this trend, they so diligently exposed, but the moving to a "sweet spot" for political incumbents, with precious little to do with democracy and effective elections for the voters? from Richard Lung. On 07/03/2018 19:19, Jack Santucci wrote: > Consensus in academia? Maybe that cigarettes cause cancer. Maybe. > > I jest. > > This paper may be helpful: > http://personal.lse.ac.uk/hix/Working_Papers/Carey-Hix-AJPS2011.pdf > > On Wed, Mar 7, 2018 at 2:14 PM, Richard Lung <voting@ukscientists.com > <mailto:voting@ukscientists.com>> wrote: > > So, the academic world has no consensus or standard model of > election method? > > > On 03/03/2018 19:57, Kristofer Munsterhjelm wrote: > > Say we have a consensus method M that works by choosing the > council C that minimizes the maximum penalty p(C, v) for the > voter that maximizes this penalty. That is, the method finds C > according to > > C = arg min max p(c, v) >          c   v > > where ties are broken in a leximax fashion (i.e. considering > next to max, then next to next to max and so on). Furthermore > let the penalty "nonnegative" in the sense that any voter with > a real preference has at least as great a penalty as a voter > with no preference (the zero voter, as it were). > > Now let the modified consensus method M' be one that has the > same optimization objective, but the method is permitted to > remove a Droop quota of votes to help minimize the penalty. > > So M says "what council displeases the most displeased voter > the least?", while M' says "what council displeases the most > displeased voter the least, if we can discard a Droop quota of > voters from consideration?" > > Then, are there any properties for p that makes M' satisfy > Droop proportionality? Can we in general turn consensus > methods of this form into PR methods by adding a "you can > discard a Droop quota" rule? > > If we can, then we easily get a multiwinner version of > Bucklin/MJ by doing the following: > > Let g(c, v) be the grade voter v gives to the least preferred > candidate in c. > > Let the consensus method M be > > C = arg max min g(c, v) >          c   v > > Let M' permit the method to remove a Droop quota, i.e. if |V| > is the number of voters, and V is the set of voters itself: > > C' = arg max c: >     max x subset of V so that |x| = |V|/(seats+1): >         min v in V \ x: >             g(c, v) > > For a single-winner election, M' is (up to tiebreaker) just > MJ, because for each potential winner c, the removal step will > remove the voters who grade c the worst, and the Droop quota > for single-winner is a majority. Then the voter grading the c > the worst after half of the voters have been removed is just > the median voter. > > > > Some thoughts about two-winner remove-voter minimax Approval > follow. Reasoning about what voter removal actually does can > get kinda hairy, thus I may very well be wrong: > > In minimax Approval, p(c, v) is the Hamming distance between c > and voter v's ballot, i.e. the number of candidates in c but > not approved by v plus the number of candidates approved by v > not in c. > > Say we have an analogous Droop criterion for Approval: if more > than k Droop quotas approve of a set of j candidates (and > nobody else), then at least min(k, j) of these must be elected. > > For two winners, there are these possibilities: >     1. no Droop constraints >     2. k = 2, j >= 2 >     3. k = 2, j = 1 >     4. k = 1, j >= 1 >     5. k = 1, j = 1 > > 1. is no problem, because we can elect anyone we want without > running afoul of the Approval DPC. > > 2. Since there can only be three Droop quotas in total, when > we're considering A = {C_1, C_2} with C_1 and C_2 in the set > of j candidates (call it J), we can eliminate all but the > J-voters and the maximum penalty is j-2. > In contrast, for some B = {C_x, C_y} not a subset of j, the > best it can do is eliminate a Droop quota of the J-voters. In > the best case (for B), everybody but the J-voters approve of B > alone. But there still remains a Droop quota (plus one voter) > of the J-voters, and each of them gives penalty j. So A is > preferred to B. > If B = {C_1, C_x}, then even if everybody but the J-voters > approve of B alone, the J-voters give penalty j-1. So A is > still preferred to B. > > 3. Same as in 2, but let A = {C_1, C_x}, J = {C_1}. With A, we > eliminate so that only the J-voters are left, and then max > penalty is 1 (for C_x). Furthermore, every remaining voter > gives penalty 1. Let B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B, a > Droop quota of J-voters are eliminated and we have a Droop > quota plus one left. These all give penalty 2, which is worse > than penalty 1. So A is preferred to B. > > 5. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for > B here, two Droop quotas minus a voter approve only of B, and > the remaining Droop quota plus one voter approves of J = > {C_1}. Eliminating all but one of the J-voters gives a max > penalty of 3 from that one J-voter: one point for not having > C_1, and two points for having C_x and C_y. A eliminates one > of the two B-approving Droop quotas and gets a penalty of 1 > from every remaining voter, which is better. > Note that I assume that C_x is approved by the B-voters. If > that were not the case, then {C_x, C_y} would already be > beaten by some {C_z, C_y} where C_z is. Note also that I don't > consider the case where the B-voters also approve of a whole > load of other candidates, with the idea of raising the penalty > under A. The problem is that because only two candidates can > be elected, this would also raise their penalty under B. > > 4. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. The best case for B > has worst penalty j+2, since after a Droop quota of J-voters > have been eliminated, there remains a single voter who only > approves of J. After eliminating some of the B-voters, A gets > penalty j from the J-voters (j-1 for the members of J not part > of {C_1, C_x} and one more for C_x which is not approved by > them), and one penalty point from the B-voters. > Here it'd seem that adding loads of candidates to the B-voters > would make things hard. Can it be salvaged? > > Suppose there are J-voters and C-voters. B is a subset of C. > When considering outcome B, before excluding a Droop quota, > every J-voter gives a penalty of j+2 and every C-voter gives a > penalty of c-2 where c=|C|. > Under outcome A, before excluding, every J-voter gives j, and > every B-voter gives c (-1 for having C_x, +1 for having C_1). > If j+2 > c, then we're in the domain above, and no problem. > If c > j+2, then the excluded candidates under both A and B > are C-voters. > So under B we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c-2, > and a Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j+2. > Under A we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c, and > a Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j. > > So unless I made a mistake, Hamming distance is not good > enough. But I might have made a mistake, because it seems > strange that even in ordinary minimax Approval, a coalition > can increase its power by approving a lot of clones. E.g. > suppose in ordinary minimax Approval that there are two > coalitions of almost equal size: > > n+1: A B > n: C1 C2 C3 ... Cq > > {A, B} gets worst penalty q+2 (there are n of these and n+1 > zeroes) > {A, C1} gets worst penalty q (n voters like C1 but not A) > {C1, C2} gets worst penalty q-2 (n voters give this penalty, > and then n+1 give penalty 4). > > ... does that mean an arbitrarily small minority can force its > own council to win by just approving enough clones that they > set the worst penalty in every outcome? That feels rather wrong. > ---- > Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em > for list info > > > -- > Richard Lung. > http://www.voting.ukscientists.com > <http://www.voting.ukscientists.com> > Democracy Science series 3 free e-books in pdf: > https://plus.google.com/106191200795605365085 > <https://plus.google.com/106191200795605365085> > E-books in epub format: > https://www.smashwords.com/profile/view/democracyscience > <https://www.smashwords.com/profile/view/democracyscience> > > > --- > This email has been checked for viruses by Avast antivirus software. > https://www.avast.com/antivirus <https://www.avast.com/antivirus> > > > ---- > Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for > list info > > > > > -- > Jack Santucci, Ph.D. > Independent scholar > http://www.jacksantucci.com -- Richard Lung. http://www.voting.ukscientists.com Democracy Science series 3 free e-books in pdf: https://plus.google.com/106191200795605365085 E-books in epub format: https://www.smashwords.com/profile/view/democracyscience
JS
Jack Santucci
Thu, Mar 8, 2018 2:44 AM

Political scientists like their parties to be few and disciplined. This is said to promote accountability.

Sent from my iPhone

On Mar 7, 2018, at 20:11, Richard Lung voting@ukscientists.com wrote:

If my old memory serves me tolerably well, isn't this paper something like an article entitled The Best of Both Worlds, where the authors did a survey of a tendency for European electoral systems, over the decades, to have decreased their average magnitude. I forget the details, just about everything actually. But it may have gone something like: the constiuencies shrank and the thresholds got higher.
It was an informative statistical survey.
But I think it went awry on what academics are fond of calling "normative" considerations. Or on the stricture of David Hume, that what is, is not necessarily right.
I would have put to the authors, as a critic. That was this trend, they so diligently exposed, but the moving to a "sweet spot" for political incumbents, with precious little to do with democracy and effective elections for the voters?

from
Richard Lung.

On 07/03/2018 19:19, Jack Santucci wrote:
Consensus in academia? Maybe that cigarettes cause cancer. Maybe.

I jest.

This paper may be helpful: http://personal.lse.ac.uk/hix/Working_Papers/Carey-Hix-AJPS2011.pdf

On Wed, Mar 7, 2018 at 2:14 PM, Richard Lung voting@ukscientists.com wrote:
So, the academic world has no consensus or standard model of election method?

On 03/03/2018 19:57, Kristofer Munsterhjelm wrote:
Say we have a consensus method M that works by choosing the council C that minimizes the maximum penalty p(C, v) for the voter that maximizes this penalty. That is, the method finds C according to

C = arg min max p(c, v)
c  v

where ties are broken in a leximax fashion (i.e. considering next to max, then next to next to max and so on). Furthermore let the penalty "nonnegative" in the sense that any voter with a real preference has at least as great a penalty as a voter with no preference (the zero voter, as it were).

Now let the modified consensus method M' be one that has the same optimization objective, but the method is permitted to remove a Droop quota of votes to help minimize the penalty.

So M says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the least?", while M' says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the least, if we can discard a Droop quota of voters from consideration?"

Then, are there any properties for p that makes M' satisfy Droop proportionality? Can we in general turn consensus methods of this form into PR methods by adding a "you can discard a Droop quota" rule?

If we can, then we easily get a multiwinner version of Bucklin/MJ by doing the following:

Let g(c, v) be the grade voter v gives to the least preferred candidate in c.

Let the consensus method M be

C = arg max min g(c, v)
c  v

Let M' permit the method to remove a Droop quota, i.e. if |V| is the number of voters, and V is the set of voters itself:

C' = arg max c:
max x subset of V so that |x| = |V|/(seats+1):
min v in V \ x:
g(c, v)

For a single-winner election, M' is (up to tiebreaker) just MJ, because for each potential winner c, the removal step will remove the voters who grade c the worst, and the Droop quota for single-winner is a majority. Then the voter grading the c the worst after                  half of the voters have been removed is just the median voter.

Some thoughts about two-winner remove-voter minimax Approval follow. Reasoning about what voter removal actually does can get kinda hairy, thus I may very well be wrong:

In minimax Approval, p(c, v) is the Hamming distance between c and voter v's ballot, i.e. the number of candidates in c but not approved by v plus the number of candidates approved by v not in c.

Say we have an analogous Droop criterion for Approval: if more than k Droop quotas approve of a set of j candidates (and nobody else), then at least min(k, j) of these must be elected.

For two winners, there are these possibilities:
1. no Droop constraints
2. k = 2, j >= 2
3. k = 2, j = 1
4. k = 1, j >= 1
5. k = 1, j = 1

  1. is no problem, because we can elect anyone we want without running afoul of the Approval DPC.

  2. Since there can only be three Droop quotas in total, when we're considering A = {C_1, C_2} with C_1                  and C_2 in the set of j candidates (call it J), we can eliminate all but the J-voters and the maximum penalty is j-2.
    In contrast, for some B = {C_x, C_y} not a subset of j, the best it can do is eliminate a Droop quota of the J-voters. In the best case (for B), everybody but the J-voters approve of B alone. But there still remains a Droop quota (plus one voter) of the J-voters, and each of them gives penalty j. So A is preferred to B.
    If B = {C_1, C_x}, then even if everybody but the J-voters approve of B alone, the J-voters give penalty j-1. So A is still preferred to B.

  3. Same as in 2, but let A = {C_1, C_x}, J = {C_1}. With A, we eliminate so that only the J-voters are left, and then max penalty is 1 (for C_x). Furthermore, every remaining voter gives penalty 1. Let B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B, a Droop quota of J-voters are eliminated and we have a Droop quota plus one left. These all give penalty 2, which is worse than penalty 1. So A is preferred to B.

  4. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B here, two Droop quotas minus a voter approve only of B, and the remaining Droop quota plus one voter approves of J = {C_1}. Eliminating all but one of the J-voters gives a max penalty of 3 from that one J-voter: one point for not having C_1, and two points for having C_x and C_y. A eliminates one of the two B-approving Droop quotas and gets a penalty of 1 from every remaining voter, which is better.
    Note that I assume that C_x is approved by the B-voters. If that were not the case, then {C_x, C_y} would already be beaten by some {C_z, C_y} where C_z is. Note also that I don't consider the case where the B-voters also approve of a whole load of other candidates, with the idea of raising the penalty under A. The problem is that because only two candidates can be elected, this would also raise their penalty under B.

  5. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. The best case for B has worst penalty j+2, since after a Droop quota of J-voters have been eliminated, there remains a single voter who only approves of J. After eliminating some of the B-voters, A gets penalty j from the J-voters (j-1 for the members of J not part of {C_1, C_x} and one more for C_x which is not approved by them), and one penalty point from the B-voters.
    Here it'd seem that adding loads of candidates to the B-voters would make things hard. Can it be salvaged?

Suppose there are J-voters and C-voters. B is a subset of C.
When considering outcome B, before excluding a Droop quota, every J-voter gives a penalty of j+2 and every C-voter gives a penalty of c-2 where c=|C|.
Under outcome A, before excluding, every J-voter gives j, and every B-voter gives c (-1 for having C_x, +1 for having C_1).
If j+2 > c, then we're in the domain above, and no problem.
If c > j+2, then the excluded candidates under both A and B are C-voters.
So under B we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c-2, and a Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j+2.
Under A we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c, and a Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j.

So unless I made a mistake, Hamming distance is not good enough. But I might have made a mistake, because it seems strange that even in ordinary minimax Approval, a coalition can increase its power by approving a lot of clones. E.g. suppose in ordinary minimax Approval that there are two coalitions of almost equal size:

n+1: A B
n: C1 C2 C3 ... Cq

{A, B} gets worst penalty q+2 (there are n of these and n+1 zeroes)
{A, C1} gets worst penalty q (n voters like C1 but not A)
{C1, C2} gets worst penalty q-2 (n voters give this penalty, and then n+1 give penalty 4).

... does that mean an arbitrarily small minority can force its own council to win by just approving enough clones that they set the worst penalty in every outcome? That feels rather wrong.

Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info

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Independent scholar
http://www.jacksantucci.com

--
Richard Lung.
http://www.voting.ukscientists.com
Democracy Science series 3 free e-books in pdf:
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E-books in epub format:
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Political scientists like their parties to be few and disciplined. This is said to promote accountability. Sent from my iPhone > On Mar 7, 2018, at 20:11, Richard Lung <voting@ukscientists.com> wrote: > > If my old memory serves me tolerably well, isn't this paper something like an article entitled The Best of Both Worlds, where the authors did a survey of a tendency for European electoral systems, over the decades, to have decreased their average magnitude. I forget the details, just about everything actually. But it may have gone something like: the constiuencies shrank and the thresholds got higher. > It was an informative statistical survey. > But I think it went awry on what academics are fond of calling "normative" considerations. Or on the stricture of David Hume, that what is, is not necessarily right. > I would have put to the authors, as a critic. That was this trend, they so diligently exposed, but the moving to a "sweet spot" for political incumbents, with precious little to do with democracy and effective elections for the voters? > > from > Richard Lung. > >> On 07/03/2018 19:19, Jack Santucci wrote: >> Consensus in academia? Maybe that cigarettes cause cancer. Maybe. >> >> I jest. >> >> This paper may be helpful: http://personal.lse.ac.uk/hix/Working_Papers/Carey-Hix-AJPS2011.pdf >> >>> On Wed, Mar 7, 2018 at 2:14 PM, Richard Lung <voting@ukscientists.com> wrote: >>> So, the academic world has no consensus or standard model of election method? >>> >>> >>>> On 03/03/2018 19:57, Kristofer Munsterhjelm wrote: >>>> Say we have a consensus method M that works by choosing the council C that minimizes the maximum penalty p(C, v) for the voter that maximizes this penalty. That is, the method finds C according to >>>> >>>> C = arg min max p(c, v) >>>> c v >>>> >>>> where ties are broken in a leximax fashion (i.e. considering next to max, then next to next to max and so on). Furthermore let the penalty "nonnegative" in the sense that any voter with a real preference has at least as great a penalty as a voter with no preference (the zero voter, as it were). >>>> >>>> Now let the modified consensus method M' be one that has the same optimization objective, but the method is permitted to remove a Droop quota of votes to help minimize the penalty. >>>> >>>> So M says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the least?", while M' says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the least, if we can discard a Droop quota of voters from consideration?" >>>> >>>> Then, are there any properties for p that makes M' satisfy Droop proportionality? Can we in general turn consensus methods of this form into PR methods by adding a "you can discard a Droop quota" rule? >>>> >>>> If we can, then we easily get a multiwinner version of Bucklin/MJ by doing the following: >>>> >>>> Let g(c, v) be the grade voter v gives to the least preferred candidate in c. >>>> >>>> Let the consensus method M be >>>> >>>> C = arg max min g(c, v) >>>> c v >>>> >>>> Let M' permit the method to remove a Droop quota, i.e. if |V| is the number of voters, and V is the set of voters itself: >>>> >>>> C' = arg max c: >>>> max x subset of V so that |x| = |V|/(seats+1): >>>> min v in V \ x: >>>> g(c, v) >>>> >>>> For a single-winner election, M' is (up to tiebreaker) just MJ, because for each potential winner c, the removal step will remove the voters who grade c the worst, and the Droop quota for single-winner is a majority. Then the voter grading the c the worst after half of the voters have been removed is just the median voter. >>>> >>>> >>>> >>>> Some thoughts about two-winner remove-voter minimax Approval follow. Reasoning about what voter removal actually does can get kinda hairy, thus I may very well be wrong: >>>> >>>> In minimax Approval, p(c, v) is the Hamming distance between c and voter v's ballot, i.e. the number of candidates in c but not approved by v plus the number of candidates approved by v not in c. >>>> >>>> Say we have an analogous Droop criterion for Approval: if more than k Droop quotas approve of a set of j candidates (and nobody else), then at least min(k, j) of these must be elected. >>>> >>>> For two winners, there are these possibilities: >>>> 1. no Droop constraints >>>> 2. k = 2, j >= 2 >>>> 3. k = 2, j = 1 >>>> 4. k = 1, j >= 1 >>>> 5. k = 1, j = 1 >>>> >>>> 1. is no problem, because we can elect anyone we want without running afoul of the Approval DPC. >>>> >>>> 2. Since there can only be three Droop quotas in total, when we're considering A = {C_1, C_2} with C_1 and C_2 in the set of j candidates (call it J), we can eliminate all but the J-voters and the maximum penalty is j-2. >>>> In contrast, for some B = {C_x, C_y} not a subset of j, the best it can do is eliminate a Droop quota of the J-voters. In the best case (for B), everybody but the J-voters approve of B alone. But there still remains a Droop quota (plus one voter) of the J-voters, and each of them gives penalty j. So A is preferred to B. >>>> If B = {C_1, C_x}, then even if everybody but the J-voters approve of B alone, the J-voters give penalty j-1. So A is still preferred to B. >>>> >>>> 3. Same as in 2, but let A = {C_1, C_x}, J = {C_1}. With A, we eliminate so that only the J-voters are left, and then max penalty is 1 (for C_x). Furthermore, every remaining voter gives penalty 1. Let B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B, a Droop quota of J-voters are eliminated and we have a Droop quota plus one left. These all give penalty 2, which is worse than penalty 1. So A is preferred to B. >>>> >>>> 5. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B here, two Droop quotas minus a voter approve only of B, and the remaining Droop quota plus one voter approves of J = {C_1}. Eliminating all but one of the J-voters gives a max penalty of 3 from that one J-voter: one point for not having C_1, and two points for having C_x and C_y. A eliminates one of the two B-approving Droop quotas and gets a penalty of 1 from every remaining voter, which is better. >>>> Note that I assume that C_x is approved by the B-voters. If that were not the case, then {C_x, C_y} would already be beaten by some {C_z, C_y} where C_z is. Note also that I don't consider the case where the B-voters also approve of a whole load of other candidates, with the idea of raising the penalty under A. The problem is that because only two candidates can be elected, this would also raise their penalty under B. >>>> >>>> 4. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. The best case for B has worst penalty j+2, since after a Droop quota of J-voters have been eliminated, there remains a single voter who only approves of J. After eliminating some of the B-voters, A gets penalty j from the J-voters (j-1 for the members of J not part of {C_1, C_x} and one more for C_x which is not approved by them), and one penalty point from the B-voters. >>>> Here it'd seem that adding loads of candidates to the B-voters would make things hard. Can it be salvaged? >>>> >>>> Suppose there are J-voters and C-voters. B is a subset of C. >>>> When considering outcome B, before excluding a Droop quota, every J-voter gives a penalty of j+2 and every C-voter gives a penalty of c-2 where c=|C|. >>>> Under outcome A, before excluding, every J-voter gives j, and every B-voter gives c (-1 for having C_x, +1 for having C_1). >>>> If j+2 > c, then we're in the domain above, and no problem. >>>> If c > j+2, then the excluded candidates under both A and B are C-voters. >>>> So under B we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c-2, and a Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j+2. >>>> Under A we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c, and a Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j. >>>> >>>> So unless I made a mistake, Hamming distance is not good enough. But I might have made a mistake, because it seems strange that even in ordinary minimax Approval, a coalition can increase its power by approving a lot of clones. E.g. suppose in ordinary minimax Approval that there are two coalitions of almost equal size: >>>> >>>> n+1: A B >>>> n: C1 C2 C3 ... Cq >>>> >>>> {A, B} gets worst penalty q+2 (there are n of these and n+1 zeroes) >>>> {A, C1} gets worst penalty q (n voters like C1 but not A) >>>> {C1, C2} gets worst penalty q-2 (n voters give this penalty, and then n+1 give penalty 4). >>>> >>>> ... does that mean an arbitrarily small minority can force its own council to win by just approving enough clones that they set the worst penalty in every outcome? That feels rather wrong. >>>> ---- >>>> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info >>>> >>> >>> -- >>> Richard Lung. >>> http://www.voting.ukscientists.com >>> Democracy Science series 3 free e-books in pdf: >>> https://plus.google.com/106191200795605365085 >>> E-books in epub format: >>> https://www.smashwords.com/profile/view/democracyscience >>> >>> >>> --- >>> This email has been checked for viruses by Avast antivirus software. >>> https://www.avast.com/antivirus >>> >>> >>> ---- >>> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info >> >> >> >> -- >> Jack Santucci, Ph.D. >> Independent scholar >> http://www.jacksantucci.com > > -- > Richard Lung. > http://www.voting.ukscientists.com > Democracy Science series 3 free e-books in pdf: > https://plus.google.com/106191200795605365085 > E-books in epub format: > https://www.smashwords.com/profile/view/democracyscience > > > Virus-free. www.avast.com
RB
robert bristow-johnson
Thu, Mar 8, 2018 6:58 AM

---------------------------- Original Message ----------------------------

Subject: Re: [EM] Consensus and PR methods

From: "Jack Santucci" jms346@georgetown.edu

Date: Wed, March 7, 2018 9:44 pm

To: "Richard Lung" voting@ukscientists.com

Cc: "EM" election-methods@lists.electorama.com


Political scientists like their parties to be few and disciplined. This is said to promote accountability.

"few" makes sense if it is at least 3 parties that are viable and get people elected.� then it wouldn't always fall into that "If you ain't fer us, you agin' us!" syndrome of the two-party polarization.
and i certainly don't want it to be as few as 1 or
0.� that would promote no accountability.� if you toss in libertarians and communitarians and maybe some wing on the left or right (like Greenies or Vermont Progs or John Birch), "few" might mean 6 or 8.
i like that we have parties (i just wish more than the Dems and GOP)
and i think they serve a useful purpose in accomplishing sometimes difficult political goals.� they do this by consolidation and coalition, and with combined numbers, they can demonstrate political will and popular authority.� this is why i am an unabashed advocate for RCV decided by
Condorcet.� It can demonstrate genuine mandate when such might be obscured by a polarized 2-party environment.

r b-j� � � � � � � � � � � � �rbj@audioimagination.com

"Imagination is more important than knowledge."




---------------------------- Original Message ---------------------------- Subject: Re: [EM] Consensus and PR methods From: "Jack Santucci" <jms346@georgetown.edu> Date: Wed, March 7, 2018 9:44 pm To: "Richard Lung" <voting@ukscientists.com> Cc: "EM" <election-methods@lists.electorama.com> -------------------------------------------------------------------------- > Political scientists like their parties to be few and disciplined. This is said to promote accountability. > > "few" makes sense if it is at least 3 parties that are viable and get people elected.� then it wouldn't always fall into that "If you ain't fer us, you agin' us!" syndrome of the two-party polarization. and i certainly don't want it to be as few as 1 or 0.� that would promote no accountability.� if you toss in libertarians and communitarians and maybe some wing on the left or right (like Greenies or Vermont Progs or John Birch), "few" might mean 6 or 8. i like that we have parties (i just wish more than the Dems and GOP) and i think they serve a useful purpose in accomplishing sometimes difficult political goals.� they do this by consolidation and coalition, and with combined numbers, they can demonstrate political will and popular authority.� this is why i am an unabashed advocate for RCV decided by Condorcet.� It can demonstrate genuine mandate when such might be obscured by a polarized 2-party environment. -- r b-j� � � � � � � � � � � � �rbj@audioimagination.com "Imagination is more important than knowledge." � � � �
JQ
Jameson Quinn
Thu, Mar 8, 2018 4:46 PM

Few, but more than 2. Harmful equilibria are stable with 2 parties; never
stable for long with 3 or more.

And those who don't like any of the viable options (whether there are 2 or
3 or 10) should be able to vote in a way that reflects that, without
necessarily having their votes ignored. That means any good voting method
should allow cross-party voting and/or transfers somehow.

2018-03-07 21:44 GMT-05:00 Jack Santucci jms346@georgetown.edu:

Political scientists like their parties to be few and disciplined. This is
said to promote accountability.

Sent from my iPhone

On Mar 7, 2018, at 20:11, Richard Lung voting@ukscientists.com wrote:

If my old memory serves me tolerably well, isn't this paper something like
an article entitled The Best of Both Worlds, where the authors did a survey
of a tendency for European electoral systems, over the decades, to have
decreased their average magnitude. I forget the details, just about
everything actually. But it may have gone something like: the constiuencies
shrank and the thresholds got higher.
It was an informative statistical survey.
But I think it went awry on what academics are fond of calling "normative"
considerations. Or on the stricture of David Hume, that what is, is not
necessarily right.
I would have put to the authors, as a critic. That was this trend, they so
diligently exposed, but the moving to a "sweet spot" for political
incumbents, with precious little to do with democracy and effective
elections for the voters?

from
Richard Lung.

On 07/03/2018 19:19, Jack Santucci wrote:

Consensus in academia? Maybe that cigarettes cause cancer. Maybe.

I jest.

This paper may be helpful: http://personal.lse.ac.uk/hix/Working_Papers/
Carey-Hix-AJPS2011.pdf

On Wed, Mar 7, 2018 at 2:14 PM, Richard Lung voting@ukscientists.com
wrote:

So, the academic world has no consensus or standard model of election
method?

On 03/03/2018 19:57, Kristofer Munsterhjelm wrote:

Say we have a consensus method M that works by choosing the council C
that minimizes the maximum penalty p(C, v) for the voter that maximizes
this penalty. That is, the method finds C according to

C = arg min max p(c, v)
c  v

where ties are broken in a leximax fashion (i.e. considering next to
max, then next to next to max and so on). Furthermore let the penalty
"nonnegative" in the sense that any voter with a real preference has at
least as great a penalty as a voter with no preference (the zero voter, as
it were).

Now let the modified consensus method M' be one that has the same
optimization objective, but the method is permitted to remove a Droop quota
of votes to help minimize the penalty.

So M says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the
least?", while M' says "what council displeases the most displeased voter
the least, if we can discard a Droop quota of voters from consideration?"

Then, are there any properties for p that makes M' satisfy Droop
proportionality? Can we in general turn consensus methods of this form into
PR methods by adding a "you can discard a Droop quota" rule?

If we can, then we easily get a multiwinner version of Bucklin/MJ by
doing the following:

Let g(c, v) be the grade voter v gives to the least preferred candidate
in c.

Let the consensus method M be

C = arg max min g(c, v)
c  v

Let M' permit the method to remove a Droop quota, i.e. if |V| is the
number of voters, and V is the set of voters itself:

C' = arg max c:
max x subset of V so that |x| = |V|/(seats+1):
min v in V \ x:
g(c, v)

For a single-winner election, M' is (up to tiebreaker) just MJ, because
for each potential winner c, the removal step will remove the voters who
grade c the worst, and the Droop quota for single-winner is a majority.
Then the voter grading the c the worst after half of the voters have been
removed is just the median voter.

Some thoughts about two-winner remove-voter minimax Approval follow.
Reasoning about what voter removal actually does can get kinda hairy, thus
I may very well be wrong:

In minimax Approval, p(c, v) is the Hamming distance between c and voter
v's ballot, i.e. the number of candidates in c but not approved by v plus
the number of candidates approved by v not in c.

Say we have an analogous Droop criterion for Approval: if more than k
Droop quotas approve of a set of j candidates (and nobody else), then at
least min(k, j) of these must be elected.

For two winners, there are these possibilities:
1. no Droop constraints
2. k = 2, j >= 2
3. k = 2, j = 1
4. k = 1, j >= 1
5. k = 1, j = 1

  1. is no problem, because we can elect anyone we want without running
    afoul of the Approval DPC.

  2. Since there can only be three Droop quotas in total, when we're
    considering A = {C_1, C_2} with C_1 and C_2 in the set of j candidates
    (call it J), we can eliminate all but the J-voters and the maximum penalty
    is j-2.
    In contrast, for some B = {C_x, C_y} not a subset of j, the best it can
    do is eliminate a Droop quota of the J-voters. In the best case (for B),
    everybody but the J-voters approve of B alone. But there still remains a
    Droop quota (plus one voter) of the J-voters, and each of them gives
    penalty j. So A is preferred to B.
    If B = {C_1, C_x}, then even if everybody but the J-voters approve of B
    alone, the J-voters give penalty j-1. So A is still preferred to B.

  3. Same as in 2, but let A = {C_1, C_x}, J = {C_1}. With A, we eliminate
    so that only the J-voters are left, and then max penalty is 1 (for C_x).
    Furthermore, every remaining voter gives penalty 1. Let B = {C_x, C_y}. In
    the best case for B, a Droop quota of J-voters are eliminated and we have a
    Droop quota plus one left. These all give penalty 2, which is worse than
    penalty 1. So A is preferred to B.

  4. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B here,
    two Droop quotas minus a voter approve only of B, and the remaining Droop
    quota plus one voter approves of J = {C_1}. Eliminating all but one of the
    J-voters gives a max penalty of 3 from that one J-voter: one point for not
    having C_1, and two points for having C_x and C_y. A eliminates one of the
    two B-approving Droop quotas and gets a penalty of 1 from every remaining
    voter, which is better.
    Note that I assume that C_x is approved by the B-voters. If that were
    not the case, then {C_x, C_y} would already be beaten by some {C_z, C_y}
    where C_z is. Note also that I don't consider the case where the B-voters
    also approve of a whole load of other candidates, with the idea of raising
    the penalty under A. The problem is that because only two candidates can be
    elected, this would also raise their penalty under B.

  5. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. The best case for B has worst
    penalty j+2, since after a Droop quota of J-voters have been eliminated,
    there remains a single voter who only approves of J. After eliminating some
    of the B-voters, A gets penalty j from the J-voters (j-1 for the members of
    J not part of {C_1, C_x} and one more for C_x which is not approved by
    them), and one penalty point from the B-voters.
    Here it'd seem that adding loads of candidates to the B-voters would
    make things hard. Can it be salvaged?

Suppose there are J-voters and C-voters. B is a subset of C.
When considering outcome B, before excluding a Droop quota, every
J-voter gives a penalty of j+2 and every C-voter gives a penalty of c-2
where c=|C|.
Under outcome A, before excluding, every J-voter gives j, and every
B-voter gives c (-1 for having C_x, +1 for having C_1).
If j+2 > c, then we're in the domain above, and no problem.
If c > j+2, then the excluded candidates under both A and B are C-voters.
So under B we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c-2, and a
Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j+2.
Under A we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c, and a Droop
quota plus one of J-voters at j.

So unless I made a mistake, Hamming distance is not good enough. But I
might have made a mistake, because it seems strange that even in ordinary
minimax Approval, a coalition can increase its power by approving a lot of
clones. E.g. suppose in ordinary minimax Approval that there are two
coalitions of almost equal size:

n+1: A B
n: C1 C2 C3 ... Cq

{A, B} gets worst penalty q+2 (there are n of these and n+1 zeroes)
{A, C1} gets worst penalty q (n voters like C1 but not A)
{C1, C2} gets worst penalty q-2 (n voters give this penalty, and then
n+1 give penalty 4).

... does that mean an arbitrarily small minority can force its own
council to win by just approving enough clones that they set the worst
penalty in every outcome? That feels rather wrong.

Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list
info

--
Richard Lung.
http://www.voting.ukscientists.com
Democracy Science series 3 free e-books in pdf:
https://plus.google.com/106191200795605365085
E-books in epub format:
https://www.smashwords.com/profile/view/democracyscience


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Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list
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--
Jack Santucci, Ph.D.
Independent scholar
http://www.jacksantucci.com

--
Richard Lung.http://www.voting.ukscientists.com
Democracy Science series 3 free e-books in pdf:https://plus.google.com/106191200795605365085
E-books in epub format:https://www.smashwords.com/profile/view/democracyscience

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Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info

Few, but more than 2. Harmful equilibria are stable with 2 parties; never stable for long with 3 or more. And those who don't like any of the viable options (whether there are 2 or 3 or 10) should be able to vote in a way that reflects that, without necessarily having their votes ignored. That means any good voting method should allow cross-party voting and/or transfers somehow. 2018-03-07 21:44 GMT-05:00 Jack Santucci <jms346@georgetown.edu>: > Political scientists like their parties to be few and disciplined. This is > said to promote accountability. > > Sent from my iPhone > > On Mar 7, 2018, at 20:11, Richard Lung <voting@ukscientists.com> wrote: > > If my old memory serves me tolerably well, isn't this paper something like > an article entitled The Best of Both Worlds, where the authors did a survey > of a tendency for European electoral systems, over the decades, to have > decreased their average magnitude. I forget the details, just about > everything actually. But it may have gone something like: the constiuencies > shrank and the thresholds got higher. > It was an informative statistical survey. > But I think it went awry on what academics are fond of calling "normative" > considerations. Or on the stricture of David Hume, that what is, is not > necessarily right. > I would have put to the authors, as a critic. That was this trend, they so > diligently exposed, but the moving to a "sweet spot" for political > incumbents, with precious little to do with democracy and effective > elections for the voters? > > from > Richard Lung. > > On 07/03/2018 19:19, Jack Santucci wrote: > > Consensus in academia? Maybe that cigarettes cause cancer. Maybe. > > I jest. > > This paper may be helpful: http://personal.lse.ac.uk/hix/Working_Papers/ > Carey-Hix-AJPS2011.pdf > > On Wed, Mar 7, 2018 at 2:14 PM, Richard Lung <voting@ukscientists.com> > wrote: > >> So, the academic world has no consensus or standard model of election >> method? >> >> >> On 03/03/2018 19:57, Kristofer Munsterhjelm wrote: >> >>> Say we have a consensus method M that works by choosing the council C >>> that minimizes the maximum penalty p(C, v) for the voter that maximizes >>> this penalty. That is, the method finds C according to >>> >>> C = arg min max p(c, v) >>> c v >>> >>> where ties are broken in a leximax fashion (i.e. considering next to >>> max, then next to next to max and so on). Furthermore let the penalty >>> "nonnegative" in the sense that any voter with a real preference has at >>> least as great a penalty as a voter with no preference (the zero voter, as >>> it were). >>> >>> Now let the modified consensus method M' be one that has the same >>> optimization objective, but the method is permitted to remove a Droop quota >>> of votes to help minimize the penalty. >>> >>> So M says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the >>> least?", while M' says "what council displeases the most displeased voter >>> the least, if we can discard a Droop quota of voters from consideration?" >>> >>> Then, are there any properties for p that makes M' satisfy Droop >>> proportionality? Can we in general turn consensus methods of this form into >>> PR methods by adding a "you can discard a Droop quota" rule? >>> >>> If we can, then we easily get a multiwinner version of Bucklin/MJ by >>> doing the following: >>> >>> Let g(c, v) be the grade voter v gives to the least preferred candidate >>> in c. >>> >>> Let the consensus method M be >>> >>> C = arg max min g(c, v) >>> c v >>> >>> Let M' permit the method to remove a Droop quota, i.e. if |V| is the >>> number of voters, and V is the set of voters itself: >>> >>> C' = arg max c: >>> max x subset of V so that |x| = |V|/(seats+1): >>> min v in V \ x: >>> g(c, v) >>> >>> For a single-winner election, M' is (up to tiebreaker) just MJ, because >>> for each potential winner c, the removal step will remove the voters who >>> grade c the worst, and the Droop quota for single-winner is a majority. >>> Then the voter grading the c the worst after half of the voters have been >>> removed is just the median voter. >>> >>> >>> >>> Some thoughts about two-winner remove-voter minimax Approval follow. >>> Reasoning about what voter removal actually does can get kinda hairy, thus >>> I may very well be wrong: >>> >>> In minimax Approval, p(c, v) is the Hamming distance between c and voter >>> v's ballot, i.e. the number of candidates in c but not approved by v plus >>> the number of candidates approved by v not in c. >>> >>> Say we have an analogous Droop criterion for Approval: if more than k >>> Droop quotas approve of a set of j candidates (and nobody else), then at >>> least min(k, j) of these must be elected. >>> >>> For two winners, there are these possibilities: >>> 1. no Droop constraints >>> 2. k = 2, j >= 2 >>> 3. k = 2, j = 1 >>> 4. k = 1, j >= 1 >>> 5. k = 1, j = 1 >>> >>> 1. is no problem, because we can elect anyone we want without running >>> afoul of the Approval DPC. >>> >>> 2. Since there can only be three Droop quotas in total, when we're >>> considering A = {C_1, C_2} with C_1 and C_2 in the set of j candidates >>> (call it J), we can eliminate all but the J-voters and the maximum penalty >>> is j-2. >>> In contrast, for some B = {C_x, C_y} not a subset of j, the best it can >>> do is eliminate a Droop quota of the J-voters. In the best case (for B), >>> everybody but the J-voters approve of B alone. But there still remains a >>> Droop quota (plus one voter) of the J-voters, and each of them gives >>> penalty j. So A is preferred to B. >>> If B = {C_1, C_x}, then even if everybody but the J-voters approve of B >>> alone, the J-voters give penalty j-1. So A is still preferred to B. >>> >>> 3. Same as in 2, but let A = {C_1, C_x}, J = {C_1}. With A, we eliminate >>> so that only the J-voters are left, and then max penalty is 1 (for C_x). >>> Furthermore, every remaining voter gives penalty 1. Let B = {C_x, C_y}. In >>> the best case for B, a Droop quota of J-voters are eliminated and we have a >>> Droop quota plus one left. These all give penalty 2, which is worse than >>> penalty 1. So A is preferred to B. >>> >>> 5. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B here, >>> two Droop quotas minus a voter approve only of B, and the remaining Droop >>> quota plus one voter approves of J = {C_1}. Eliminating all but one of the >>> J-voters gives a max penalty of 3 from that one J-voter: one point for not >>> having C_1, and two points for having C_x and C_y. A eliminates one of the >>> two B-approving Droop quotas and gets a penalty of 1 from every remaining >>> voter, which is better. >>> Note that I assume that C_x is approved by the B-voters. If that were >>> not the case, then {C_x, C_y} would already be beaten by some {C_z, C_y} >>> where C_z is. Note also that I don't consider the case where the B-voters >>> also approve of a whole load of other candidates, with the idea of raising >>> the penalty under A. The problem is that because only two candidates can be >>> elected, this would also raise their penalty under B. >>> >>> 4. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. The best case for B has worst >>> penalty j+2, since after a Droop quota of J-voters have been eliminated, >>> there remains a single voter who only approves of J. After eliminating some >>> of the B-voters, A gets penalty j from the J-voters (j-1 for the members of >>> J not part of {C_1, C_x} and one more for C_x which is not approved by >>> them), and one penalty point from the B-voters. >>> Here it'd seem that adding loads of candidates to the B-voters would >>> make things hard. Can it be salvaged? >>> >>> Suppose there are J-voters and C-voters. B is a subset of C. >>> When considering outcome B, before excluding a Droop quota, every >>> J-voter gives a penalty of j+2 and every C-voter gives a penalty of c-2 >>> where c=|C|. >>> Under outcome A, before excluding, every J-voter gives j, and every >>> B-voter gives c (-1 for having C_x, +1 for having C_1). >>> If j+2 > c, then we're in the domain above, and no problem. >>> If c > j+2, then the excluded candidates under both A and B are C-voters. >>> So under B we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c-2, and a >>> Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j+2. >>> Under A we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c, and a Droop >>> quota plus one of J-voters at j. >>> >>> So unless I made a mistake, Hamming distance is not good enough. But I >>> might have made a mistake, because it seems strange that even in ordinary >>> minimax Approval, a coalition can increase its power by approving a lot of >>> clones. E.g. suppose in ordinary minimax Approval that there are two >>> coalitions of almost equal size: >>> >>> n+1: A B >>> n: C1 C2 C3 ... Cq >>> >>> {A, B} gets worst penalty q+2 (there are n of these and n+1 zeroes) >>> {A, C1} gets worst penalty q (n voters like C1 but not A) >>> {C1, C2} gets worst penalty q-2 (n voters give this penalty, and then >>> n+1 give penalty 4). >>> >>> ... does that mean an arbitrarily small minority can force its own >>> council to win by just approving enough clones that they set the worst >>> penalty in every outcome? That feels rather wrong. >>> ---- >>> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list >>> info >>> >>> >> -- >> Richard Lung. >> http://www.voting.ukscientists.com >> Democracy Science series 3 free e-books in pdf: >> https://plus.google.com/106191200795605365085 >> E-books in epub format: >> https://www.smashwords.com/profile/view/democracyscience >> >> >> --- >> This email has been checked for viruses by Avast antivirus software. >> https://www.avast.com/antivirus >> >> >> ---- >> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list >> info >> > > > > -- > Jack Santucci, Ph.D. > Independent scholar > http://www.jacksantucci.com > > > -- > Richard Lung.http://www.voting.ukscientists.com > Democracy Science series 3 free e-books in pdf:https://plus.google.com/106191200795605365085 > E-books in epub format:https://www.smashwords.com/profile/view/democracyscience > > > > <https://www.avast.com/sig-email?utm_medium=email&utm_source=link&utm_campaign=sig-email&utm_content=emailclient> Virus-free. > www.avast.com > <https://www.avast.com/sig-email?utm_medium=email&utm_source=link&utm_campaign=sig-email&utm_content=emailclient> > <#m_861352619409846871_DAB4FAD8-2DD7-40BB-A1B8-4E2AA1F9FDF2> > > > ---- > Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info > >
SR
Stéphane Rouillon
Thu, Mar 8, 2018 7:14 PM

Exactly the conclusion I reached when I designed the crurch option for SPPA...!

Harmful equilibria are stable with 2 parties; never stable for long with 3 or more.

And SPPA allows transfer between political parties by rallying.

Envoyé de mon iPhone

Le 8 mars 2018 à 11:46, Jameson Quinn jameson.quinn@gmail.com a écrit :

Few, but more than 2. Harmful equilibria are stable with 2 parties; never stable for long with 3 or more.

And those who don't like any of the viable options (whether there are 2 or 3 or 10) should be able to vote in a way that reflects that, without necessarily having their votes ignored. That means any good voting method should allow cross-party voting and/or transfers somehow.

2018-03-07 21:44 GMT-05:00 Jack Santucci jms346@georgetown.edu:

Political scientists like their parties to be few and disciplined. This is said to promote accountability.

Sent from my iPhone

On Mar 7, 2018, at 20:11, Richard Lung voting@ukscientists.com wrote:

If my old memory serves me tolerably well, isn't this paper something like an article entitled The Best of Both Worlds, where the authors did a survey of a tendency for European electoral systems, over the decades, to have decreased their average magnitude. I forget the details, just about everything actually. But it may have gone something like: the constiuencies shrank and the thresholds got higher.
It was an informative statistical survey.
But I think it went awry on what academics are fond of calling "normative" considerations. Or on the stricture of David Hume, that what is, is not necessarily right.
I would have put to the authors, as a critic. That was this trend, they so diligently exposed, but the moving to a "sweet spot" for political incumbents, with precious little to do with democracy and effective elections for the voters?

from
Richard Lung.

On 07/03/2018 19:19, Jack Santucci wrote:
Consensus in academia? Maybe that cigarettes cause cancer. Maybe.

I jest.

This paper may be helpful: http://personal.lse.ac.uk/hix/Working_Papers/Carey-Hix-AJPS2011.pdf

On Wed, Mar 7, 2018 at 2:14 PM, Richard Lung voting@ukscientists.com wrote:
So, the academic world has no consensus or standard model of election method?

On 03/03/2018 19:57, Kristofer Munsterhjelm wrote:
Say we have a consensus method M that works by choosing the council C that minimizes the maximum penalty p(C, v) for the voter that maximizes this penalty. That is, the method finds C according to

C = arg min max p(c, v)
c  v

where ties are broken in a leximax fashion (i.e. considering next to max, then next to next to max and so on). Furthermore let the penalty "nonnegative" in the sense that any voter with a real preference has at least as great a penalty as a voter with no preference (the zero voter, as it were).

Now let the modified consensus method M' be one that has the same optimization objective, but the method is permitted to remove a Droop quota of votes to help minimize the penalty.

So M says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the least?", while M' says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the least, if we can discard a Droop quota of voters from consideration?"

Then, are there any properties for p that makes M' satisfy Droop proportionality? Can we in general turn consensus methods of this form into PR methods by adding a "you can discard a Droop quota" rule?

If we can, then we easily get a multiwinner version of Bucklin/MJ by doing the following:

Let g(c, v) be the grade voter v gives to the least preferred candidate in c.

Let the consensus method M be

C = arg max min g(c, v)
c  v

Let M' permit the method to remove a Droop quota, i.e. if |V| is the number of voters, and V is the set of voters itself:

C' = arg max c:
max x subset of V so that |x| = |V|/(seats+1):
min v in V \ x:
g(c, v)

For a single-winner election, M' is (up to tiebreaker) just MJ, because for each potential winner c, the removal step will remove the voters who grade c the worst, and the Droop quota for single-winner is a majority. Then the voter grading the c the worst after half of the voters have been removed is just the median voter.

Some thoughts about two-winner remove-voter minimax Approval follow. Reasoning about what voter removal actually does can get kinda hairy, thus I may very well be wrong:

In minimax Approval, p(c, v) is the Hamming distance between c and voter v's ballot, i.e. the number of candidates in c but not approved by v plus the number of candidates approved by v not in c.

Say we have an analogous Droop criterion for Approval: if more than k Droop quotas approve of a set of j candidates (and nobody else), then at least min(k, j) of these must be elected.

For two winners, there are these possibilities:
1. no Droop constraints
2. k = 2, j >= 2
3. k = 2, j = 1
4. k = 1, j >= 1
5. k = 1, j = 1

  1. is no problem, because we can elect anyone we want without running afoul of the Approval DPC.

  2. Since there can only be three Droop quotas in total, when we're considering A = {C_1, C_2} with C_1 and C_2 in the set of j candidates (call it J), we can eliminate all but the J-voters and the maximum penalty is j-2.
    In contrast, for some B = {C_x, C_y} not a subset of j, the best it can do is eliminate a Droop quota of the J-voters. In the best case (for B), everybody but the J-voters approve of B alone. But there still remains a Droop quota (plus one voter) of the J-voters, and each of them gives penalty j. So A is preferred to B.
    If B = {C_1, C_x}, then even if everybody but the J-voters approve of B alone, the J-voters give penalty j-1. So A is still preferred to B.

  3. Same as in 2, but let A = {C_1, C_x}, J = {C_1}. With A, we eliminate so that only the J-voters are left, and then max penalty is 1 (for C_x). Furthermore, every remaining voter gives penalty 1. Let B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B, a Droop quota of J-voters are eliminated and we have a Droop quota plus one left. These all give penalty 2, which is worse than penalty 1. So A is preferred to B.

  4. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B here, two Droop quotas minus a voter approve only of B, and the remaining Droop quota plus one voter approves of J = {C_1}. Eliminating all but one of the J-voters gives a max penalty of 3 from that one J-voter: one point for not having C_1, and two points for having C_x and C_y. A eliminates one of the two B-approving Droop quotas and gets a penalty of 1 from every remaining voter, which is better.
    Note that I assume that C_x is approved by the B-voters. If that were not the case, then {C_x, C_y} would already be beaten by some {C_z, C_y} where C_z is. Note also that I don't consider the case where the B-voters also approve of a whole load of other candidates, with the idea of raising the penalty under A. The problem is that because only two candidates can be elected, this would also raise their penalty under B.

  5. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. The best case for B has worst penalty j+2, since after a Droop quota of J-voters have been eliminated, there remains a single voter who only approves of J. After eliminating some of the B-voters, A gets penalty j from the J-voters (j-1 for the members of J not part of {C_1, C_x} and one more for C_x which is not approved by them), and one penalty point from the B-voters.
    Here it'd seem that adding loads of candidates to the B-voters would make things hard. Can it be salvaged?

Suppose there are J-voters and C-voters. B is a subset of C.
When considering outcome B, before excluding a Droop quota, every J-voter gives a penalty of j+2 and every C-voter gives a penalty of c-2 where c=|C|.
Under outcome A, before excluding, every J-voter gives j, and every B-voter gives c (-1 for having C_x, +1 for having C_1).
If j+2 > c, then we're in the domain above, and no problem.
If c > j+2, then the excluded candidates under both A and B are C-voters.
So under B we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c-2, and a Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j+2.
Under A we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c, and a Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j.

So unless I made a mistake, Hamming distance is not good enough. But I might have made a mistake, because it seems strange that even in ordinary minimax Approval, a coalition can increase its power by approving a lot of clones. E.g. suppose in ordinary minimax Approval that there are two coalitions of almost equal size:

n+1: A B
n: C1 C2 C3 ... Cq

{A, B} gets worst penalty q+2 (there are n of these and n+1 zeroes)
{A, C1} gets worst penalty q (n voters like C1 but not A)
{C1, C2} gets worst penalty q-2 (n voters give this penalty, and then n+1 give penalty 4).

... does that mean an arbitrarily small minority can force its own council to win by just approving enough clones that they set the worst penalty in every outcome? That feels rather wrong.

Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info

--
Richard Lung.
http://www.voting.ukscientists.com
Democracy Science series 3 free e-books in pdf:
https://plus.google.com/106191200795605365085
E-books in epub format:
https://www.smashwords.com/profile/view/democracyscience


This email has been checked for viruses by Avast antivirus software.
https://www.avast.com/antivirus


Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info

--
Jack Santucci, Ph.D.
Independent scholar
http://www.jacksantucci.com

--
Richard Lung.
http://www.voting.ukscientists.com
Democracy Science series 3 free e-books in pdf:
https://plus.google.com/106191200795605365085
E-books in epub format:
https://www.smashwords.com/profile/view/democracyscience

Virus-free. www.avast.com

Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info


Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info

Exactly the conclusion I reached when I designed the crurch option for SPPA...! > Harmful equilibria are stable with 2 parties; never stable for long with 3 or more. And SPPA allows transfer between political parties by rallying. Envoyé de mon iPhone > Le 8 mars 2018 à 11:46, Jameson Quinn <jameson.quinn@gmail.com> a écrit : > > Few, but more than 2. Harmful equilibria are stable with 2 parties; never stable for long with 3 or more. > > And those who don't like any of the viable options (whether there are 2 or 3 or 10) should be able to vote in a way that reflects that, without necessarily having their votes ignored. That means any good voting method should allow cross-party voting and/or transfers somehow. > > 2018-03-07 21:44 GMT-05:00 Jack Santucci <jms346@georgetown.edu>: >> Political scientists like their parties to be few and disciplined. This is said to promote accountability. >> >> Sent from my iPhone >> >>> On Mar 7, 2018, at 20:11, Richard Lung <voting@ukscientists.com> wrote: >>> >>> If my old memory serves me tolerably well, isn't this paper something like an article entitled The Best of Both Worlds, where the authors did a survey of a tendency for European electoral systems, over the decades, to have decreased their average magnitude. I forget the details, just about everything actually. But it may have gone something like: the constiuencies shrank and the thresholds got higher. >>> It was an informative statistical survey. >>> But I think it went awry on what academics are fond of calling "normative" considerations. Or on the stricture of David Hume, that what is, is not necessarily right. >>> I would have put to the authors, as a critic. That was this trend, they so diligently exposed, but the moving to a "sweet spot" for political incumbents, with precious little to do with democracy and effective elections for the voters? >>> >>> from >>> Richard Lung. >>> >>>> On 07/03/2018 19:19, Jack Santucci wrote: >>>> Consensus in academia? Maybe that cigarettes cause cancer. Maybe. >>>> >>>> I jest. >>>> >>>> This paper may be helpful: http://personal.lse.ac.uk/hix/Working_Papers/Carey-Hix-AJPS2011.pdf >>>> >>>>> On Wed, Mar 7, 2018 at 2:14 PM, Richard Lung <voting@ukscientists.com> wrote: >>>>> So, the academic world has no consensus or standard model of election method? >>>>> >>>>> >>>>>> On 03/03/2018 19:57, Kristofer Munsterhjelm wrote: >>>>>> Say we have a consensus method M that works by choosing the council C that minimizes the maximum penalty p(C, v) for the voter that maximizes this penalty. That is, the method finds C according to >>>>>> >>>>>> C = arg min max p(c, v) >>>>>> c v >>>>>> >>>>>> where ties are broken in a leximax fashion (i.e. considering next to max, then next to next to max and so on). Furthermore let the penalty "nonnegative" in the sense that any voter with a real preference has at least as great a penalty as a voter with no preference (the zero voter, as it were). >>>>>> >>>>>> Now let the modified consensus method M' be one that has the same optimization objective, but the method is permitted to remove a Droop quota of votes to help minimize the penalty. >>>>>> >>>>>> So M says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the least?", while M' says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the least, if we can discard a Droop quota of voters from consideration?" >>>>>> >>>>>> Then, are there any properties for p that makes M' satisfy Droop proportionality? Can we in general turn consensus methods of this form into PR methods by adding a "you can discard a Droop quota" rule? >>>>>> >>>>>> If we can, then we easily get a multiwinner version of Bucklin/MJ by doing the following: >>>>>> >>>>>> Let g(c, v) be the grade voter v gives to the least preferred candidate in c. >>>>>> >>>>>> Let the consensus method M be >>>>>> >>>>>> C = arg max min g(c, v) >>>>>> c v >>>>>> >>>>>> Let M' permit the method to remove a Droop quota, i.e. if |V| is the number of voters, and V is the set of voters itself: >>>>>> >>>>>> C' = arg max c: >>>>>> max x subset of V so that |x| = |V|/(seats+1): >>>>>> min v in V \ x: >>>>>> g(c, v) >>>>>> >>>>>> For a single-winner election, M' is (up to tiebreaker) just MJ, because for each potential winner c, the removal step will remove the voters who grade c the worst, and the Droop quota for single-winner is a majority. Then the voter grading the c the worst after half of the voters have been removed is just the median voter. >>>>>> >>>>>> >>>>>> >>>>>> Some thoughts about two-winner remove-voter minimax Approval follow. Reasoning about what voter removal actually does can get kinda hairy, thus I may very well be wrong: >>>>>> >>>>>> In minimax Approval, p(c, v) is the Hamming distance between c and voter v's ballot, i.e. the number of candidates in c but not approved by v plus the number of candidates approved by v not in c. >>>>>> >>>>>> Say we have an analogous Droop criterion for Approval: if more than k Droop quotas approve of a set of j candidates (and nobody else), then at least min(k, j) of these must be elected. >>>>>> >>>>>> For two winners, there are these possibilities: >>>>>> 1. no Droop constraints >>>>>> 2. k = 2, j >= 2 >>>>>> 3. k = 2, j = 1 >>>>>> 4. k = 1, j >= 1 >>>>>> 5. k = 1, j = 1 >>>>>> >>>>>> 1. is no problem, because we can elect anyone we want without running afoul of the Approval DPC. >>>>>> >>>>>> 2. Since there can only be three Droop quotas in total, when we're considering A = {C_1, C_2} with C_1 and C_2 in the set of j candidates (call it J), we can eliminate all but the J-voters and the maximum penalty is j-2. >>>>>> In contrast, for some B = {C_x, C_y} not a subset of j, the best it can do is eliminate a Droop quota of the J-voters. In the best case (for B), everybody but the J-voters approve of B alone. But there still remains a Droop quota (plus one voter) of the J-voters, and each of them gives penalty j. So A is preferred to B. >>>>>> If B = {C_1, C_x}, then even if everybody but the J-voters approve of B alone, the J-voters give penalty j-1. So A is still preferred to B. >>>>>> >>>>>> 3. Same as in 2, but let A = {C_1, C_x}, J = {C_1}. With A, we eliminate so that only the J-voters are left, and then max penalty is 1 (for C_x). Furthermore, every remaining voter gives penalty 1. Let B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B, a Droop quota of J-voters are eliminated and we have a Droop quota plus one left. These all give penalty 2, which is worse than penalty 1. So A is preferred to B. >>>>>> >>>>>> 5. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B here, two Droop quotas minus a voter approve only of B, and the remaining Droop quota plus one voter approves of J = {C_1}. Eliminating all but one of the J-voters gives a max penalty of 3 from that one J-voter: one point for not having C_1, and two points for having C_x and C_y. A eliminates one of the two B-approving Droop quotas and gets a penalty of 1 from every remaining voter, which is better. >>>>>> Note that I assume that C_x is approved by the B-voters. If that were not the case, then {C_x, C_y} would already be beaten by some {C_z, C_y} where C_z is. Note also that I don't consider the case where the B-voters also approve of a whole load of other candidates, with the idea of raising the penalty under A. The problem is that because only two candidates can be elected, this would also raise their penalty under B. >>>>>> >>>>>> 4. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. The best case for B has worst penalty j+2, since after a Droop quota of J-voters have been eliminated, there remains a single voter who only approves of J. After eliminating some of the B-voters, A gets penalty j from the J-voters (j-1 for the members of J not part of {C_1, C_x} and one more for C_x which is not approved by them), and one penalty point from the B-voters. >>>>>> Here it'd seem that adding loads of candidates to the B-voters would make things hard. Can it be salvaged? >>>>>> >>>>>> Suppose there are J-voters and C-voters. B is a subset of C. >>>>>> When considering outcome B, before excluding a Droop quota, every J-voter gives a penalty of j+2 and every C-voter gives a penalty of c-2 where c=|C|. >>>>>> Under outcome A, before excluding, every J-voter gives j, and every B-voter gives c (-1 for having C_x, +1 for having C_1). >>>>>> If j+2 > c, then we're in the domain above, and no problem. >>>>>> If c > j+2, then the excluded candidates under both A and B are C-voters. >>>>>> So under B we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c-2, and a Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j+2. >>>>>> Under A we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c, and a Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j. >>>>>> >>>>>> So unless I made a mistake, Hamming distance is not good enough. But I might have made a mistake, because it seems strange that even in ordinary minimax Approval, a coalition can increase its power by approving a lot of clones. E.g. suppose in ordinary minimax Approval that there are two coalitions of almost equal size: >>>>>> >>>>>> n+1: A B >>>>>> n: C1 C2 C3 ... Cq >>>>>> >>>>>> {A, B} gets worst penalty q+2 (there are n of these and n+1 zeroes) >>>>>> {A, C1} gets worst penalty q (n voters like C1 but not A) >>>>>> {C1, C2} gets worst penalty q-2 (n voters give this penalty, and then n+1 give penalty 4). >>>>>> >>>>>> ... does that mean an arbitrarily small minority can force its own council to win by just approving enough clones that they set the worst penalty in every outcome? That feels rather wrong. >>>>>> ---- >>>>>> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info >>>>>> >>>>> >>>>> -- >>>>> Richard Lung. >>>>> http://www.voting.ukscientists.com >>>>> Democracy Science series 3 free e-books in pdf: >>>>> https://plus.google.com/106191200795605365085 >>>>> E-books in epub format: >>>>> https://www.smashwords.com/profile/view/democracyscience >>>>> >>>>> >>>>> --- >>>>> This email has been checked for viruses by Avast antivirus software. >>>>> https://www.avast.com/antivirus >>>>> >>>>> >>>>> ---- >>>>> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info >>>> >>>> >>>> >>>> -- >>>> Jack Santucci, Ph.D. >>>> Independent scholar >>>> http://www.jacksantucci.com >>> >>> -- >>> Richard Lung. >>> http://www.voting.ukscientists.com >>> Democracy Science series 3 free e-books in pdf: >>> https://plus.google.com/106191200795605365085 >>> E-books in epub format: >>> https://www.smashwords.com/profile/view/democracyscience >>> >>> >>> Virus-free. www.avast.com >> >> ---- >> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info >> > > ---- > Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info
SR
Stéphane Rouillon
Thu, Mar 8, 2018 7:21 PM

Sorry: "crutch option"

Envoyé de mon iPhone

Le 8 mars 2018 à 14:14, Stéphane Rouillon stephane.rouillon@sympatico.ca a écrit :

Exactly the conclusion I reached when I designed the crurch option for SPPA...!

Harmful equilibria are stable with 2 parties; never stable for long with 3 or more.

And SPPA allows transfer between political parties by rallying.

Envoyé de mon iPhone

Le 8 mars 2018 à 11:46, Jameson Quinn jameson.quinn@gmail.com a écrit :

Few, but more than 2. Harmful equilibria are stable with 2 parties; never stable for long with 3 or more.

And those who don't like any of the viable options (whether there are 2 or 3 or 10) should be able to vote in a way that reflects that, without necessarily having their votes ignored. That means any good voting method should allow cross-party voting and/or transfers somehow.

2018-03-07 21:44 GMT-05:00 Jack Santucci jms346@georgetown.edu:

Political scientists like their parties to be few and disciplined. This is said to promote accountability.

Sent from my iPhone

On Mar 7, 2018, at 20:11, Richard Lung voting@ukscientists.com wrote:

If my old memory serves me tolerably well, isn't this paper something like an article entitled The Best of Both Worlds, where the authors did a survey of a tendency for European electoral systems, over the decades, to have decreased their average magnitude. I forget the details, just about everything actually. But it may have gone something like: the constiuencies shrank and the thresholds got higher.
It was an informative statistical survey.
But I think it went awry on what academics are fond of calling "normative" considerations. Or on the stricture of David Hume, that what is, is not necessarily right.
I would have put to the authors, as a critic. That was this trend, they so diligently exposed, but the moving to a "sweet spot" for political incumbents, with precious little to do with democracy and effective elections for the voters?

from
Richard Lung.

On 07/03/2018 19:19, Jack Santucci wrote:
Consensus in academia? Maybe that cigarettes cause cancer. Maybe.

I jest.

This paper may be helpful: http://personal.lse.ac.uk/hix/Working_Papers/Carey-Hix-AJPS2011.pdf

On Wed, Mar 7, 2018 at 2:14 PM, Richard Lung voting@ukscientists.com wrote:

So, the academic world has no consensus or standard model of election method?

On 03/03/2018 19:57, Kristofer Munsterhjelm wrote:
Say we have a consensus method M that works by choosing the council C that minimizes the maximum penalty p(C, v) for the voter that maximizes this penalty. That is, the method finds C according to

C = arg min max p(c, v)
c  v

where ties are broken in a leximax fashion (i.e. considering next to max, then next to next to max and so on). Furthermore let the penalty "nonnegative" in the sense that any voter with a real preference has at least as great a penalty as a voter with no preference (the zero voter, as it were).

Now let the modified consensus method M' be one that has the same optimization objective, but the method is permitted to remove a Droop quota of votes to help minimize the penalty.

So M says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the least?", while M' says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the least, if we can discard a Droop quota of voters from consideration?"

Then, are there any properties for p that makes M' satisfy Droop proportionality? Can we in general turn consensus methods of this form into PR methods by adding a "you can discard a Droop quota" rule?

If we can, then we easily get a multiwinner version of Bucklin/MJ by doing the following:

Let g(c, v) be the grade voter v gives to the least preferred candidate in c.

Let the consensus method M be

C = arg max min g(c, v)
c  v

Let M' permit the method to remove a Droop quota, i.e. if |V| is the number of voters, and V is the set of voters itself:

C' = arg max c:
max x subset of V so that |x| = |V|/(seats+1):
min v in V \ x:
g(c, v)

For a single-winner election, M' is (up to tiebreaker) just MJ, because for each potential winner c, the removal step will remove the voters who grade c the worst, and the Droop quota for single-winner is a majority. Then the voter grading the c the worst after half of the voters have been removed is just the median voter.

Some thoughts about two-winner remove-voter minimax Approval follow. Reasoning about what voter removal actually does can get kinda hairy, thus I may very well be wrong:

In minimax Approval, p(c, v) is the Hamming distance between c and voter v's ballot, i.e. the number of candidates in c but not approved by v plus the number of candidates approved by v not in c.

Say we have an analogous Droop criterion for Approval: if more than k Droop quotas approve of a set of j candidates (and nobody else), then at least min(k, j) of these must be elected.

For two winners, there are these possibilities:
1. no Droop constraints
2. k = 2, j >= 2
3. k = 2, j = 1
4. k = 1, j >= 1
5. k = 1, j = 1

  1. is no problem, because we can elect anyone we want without running afoul of the Approval DPC.

  2. Since there can only be three Droop quotas in total, when we're considering A = {C_1, C_2} with C_1 and C_2 in the set of j candidates (call it J), we can eliminate all but the J-voters and the maximum penalty is j-2.
    In contrast, for some B = {C_x, C_y} not a subset of j, the best it can do is eliminate a Droop quota of the J-voters. In the best case (for B), everybody but                  the J-voters approve of B alone. But there still remains a Droop quota (plus one voter) of the J-voters, and each of them gives penalty j. So A is preferred to B.
    If B = {C_1, C_x}, then even if everybody but the J-voters approve of B alone, the J-voters give penalty j-1. So A is still preferred to B.

  3. Same as in 2, but let A = {C_1, C_x}, J = {C_1}. With A, we eliminate so that only the J-voters are left, and then max penalty is 1 (for C_x). Furthermore, every remaining voter gives penalty 1. Let B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B, a Droop quota of J-voters are eliminated and we have a Droop                  quota plus one left. These all give penalty 2, which is worse than penalty 1. So A is preferred to B.

  4. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B here, two Droop quotas minus a voter approve only of B, and the remaining Droop quota plus one voter approves of J = {C_1}. Eliminating all but one of the J-voters gives a max penalty of 3 from that one J-voter: one point for not having C_1, and two points for having C_x and C_y. A eliminates one of the two B-approving Droop quotas and gets a penalty of 1 from every remaining voter, which is better.
    Note that I assume that C_x is approved by the B-voters. If that were not the case, then {C_x, C_y} would already be beaten by some {C_z, C_y} where C_z is. Note also that I don't consider the case where the B-voters also approve of a whole load of other candidates, with the idea of raising the penalty under A. The problem is that because only two candidates can be elected, this would also raise their penalty under B.

  5. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. The best case for B has worst penalty j+2, since after a Droop quota of J-voters have been eliminated, there remains a single voter who only approves of J. After eliminating some of the B-voters, A gets penalty j from the J-voters (j-1 for the members of J not part of {C_1, C_x} and one more for C_x which is not approved by them), and one penalty point from the B-voters.
    Here it'd seem that adding loads of candidates to the B-voters would make things hard. Can it be salvaged?

Suppose there are J-voters and C-voters. B is a subset of C.
When considering outcome B, before excluding a Droop quota, every J-voter gives a penalty of j+2 and every C-voter gives a penalty of c-2 where c=|C|.
Under outcome A, before excluding, every J-voter gives j, and every B-voter gives c (-1 for having C_x, +1 for having C_1).
If j+2 > c, then we're in the domain above, and no problem.
If c > j+2, then the excluded candidates under both A and B are C-voters.
So under B we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c-2, and a Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j+2.
Under A we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c, and a Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j.

So unless I made a mistake, Hamming distance is not good enough. But I might have made a mistake, because it seems strange that even in ordinary minimax Approval, a coalition can increase its power by approving a lot of clones. E.g. suppose in ordinary minimax Approval that there are two coalitions of almost equal size:

n+1: A B
n: C1 C2 C3 ... Cq

{A, B} gets worst penalty q+2 (there are n of these and n+1 zeroes)
{A, C1} gets worst penalty q (n voters like C1 but not A)
{C1, C2} gets worst penalty q-2 (n voters give this penalty, and then n+1 give penalty 4).

... does that mean an arbitrarily small minority can force its own council to win by just approving enough clones that they set the worst penalty in every outcome? That feels rather wrong.

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Sorry: "crutch option" Envoyé de mon iPhone > Le 8 mars 2018 à 14:14, Stéphane Rouillon <stephane.rouillon@sympatico.ca> a écrit : > > Exactly the conclusion I reached when I designed the crurch option for SPPA...! > >> Harmful equilibria are stable with 2 parties; never stable for long with 3 or more. > > And SPPA allows transfer between political parties by rallying. > > Envoyé de mon iPhone > >> Le 8 mars 2018 à 11:46, Jameson Quinn <jameson.quinn@gmail.com> a écrit : >> >> Few, but more than 2. Harmful equilibria are stable with 2 parties; never stable for long with 3 or more. >> >> And those who don't like any of the viable options (whether there are 2 or 3 or 10) should be able to vote in a way that reflects that, without necessarily having their votes ignored. That means any good voting method should allow cross-party voting and/or transfers somehow. >> >> 2018-03-07 21:44 GMT-05:00 Jack Santucci <jms346@georgetown.edu>: >>> Political scientists like their parties to be few and disciplined. This is said to promote accountability. >>> >>> Sent from my iPhone >>> >>>> On Mar 7, 2018, at 20:11, Richard Lung <voting@ukscientists.com> wrote: >>>> >>>> If my old memory serves me tolerably well, isn't this paper something like an article entitled The Best of Both Worlds, where the authors did a survey of a tendency for European electoral systems, over the decades, to have decreased their average magnitude. I forget the details, just about everything actually. But it may have gone something like: the constiuencies shrank and the thresholds got higher. >>>> It was an informative statistical survey. >>>> But I think it went awry on what academics are fond of calling "normative" considerations. Or on the stricture of David Hume, that what is, is not necessarily right. >>>> I would have put to the authors, as a critic. That was this trend, they so diligently exposed, but the moving to a "sweet spot" for political incumbents, with precious little to do with democracy and effective elections for the voters? >>>> >>>> from >>>> Richard Lung. >>>> >>>>> On 07/03/2018 19:19, Jack Santucci wrote: >>>>> Consensus in academia? Maybe that cigarettes cause cancer. Maybe. >>>>> >>>>> I jest. >>>>> >>>>> This paper may be helpful: http://personal.lse.ac.uk/hix/Working_Papers/Carey-Hix-AJPS2011.pdf >>>>> >>>>> On Wed, Mar 7, 2018 at 2:14 PM, Richard Lung <voting@ukscientists.com> wrote: >>>>>> So, the academic world has no consensus or standard model of election method? >>>>>> >>>>>> >>>>>>> On 03/03/2018 19:57, Kristofer Munsterhjelm wrote: >>>>>>> Say we have a consensus method M that works by choosing the council C that minimizes the maximum penalty p(C, v) for the voter that maximizes this penalty. That is, the method finds C according to >>>>>>> >>>>>>> C = arg min max p(c, v) >>>>>>> c v >>>>>>> >>>>>>> where ties are broken in a leximax fashion (i.e. considering next to max, then next to next to max and so on). Furthermore let the penalty "nonnegative" in the sense that any voter with a real preference has at least as great a penalty as a voter with no preference (the zero voter, as it were). >>>>>>> >>>>>>> Now let the modified consensus method M' be one that has the same optimization objective, but the method is permitted to remove a Droop quota of votes to help minimize the penalty. >>>>>>> >>>>>>> So M says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the least?", while M' says "what council displeases the most displeased voter the least, if we can discard a Droop quota of voters from consideration?" >>>>>>> >>>>>>> Then, are there any properties for p that makes M' satisfy Droop proportionality? Can we in general turn consensus methods of this form into PR methods by adding a "you can discard a Droop quota" rule? >>>>>>> >>>>>>> If we can, then we easily get a multiwinner version of Bucklin/MJ by doing the following: >>>>>>> >>>>>>> Let g(c, v) be the grade voter v gives to the least preferred candidate in c. >>>>>>> >>>>>>> Let the consensus method M be >>>>>>> >>>>>>> C = arg max min g(c, v) >>>>>>> c v >>>>>>> >>>>>>> Let M' permit the method to remove a Droop quota, i.e. if |V| is the number of voters, and V is the set of voters itself: >>>>>>> >>>>>>> C' = arg max c: >>>>>>> max x subset of V so that |x| = |V|/(seats+1): >>>>>>> min v in V \ x: >>>>>>> g(c, v) >>>>>>> >>>>>>> For a single-winner election, M' is (up to tiebreaker) just MJ, because for each potential winner c, the removal step will remove the voters who grade c the worst, and the Droop quota for single-winner is a majority. Then the voter grading the c the worst after half of the voters have been removed is just the median voter. >>>>>>> >>>>>>> >>>>>>> >>>>>>> Some thoughts about two-winner remove-voter minimax Approval follow. Reasoning about what voter removal actually does can get kinda hairy, thus I may very well be wrong: >>>>>>> >>>>>>> In minimax Approval, p(c, v) is the Hamming distance between c and voter v's ballot, i.e. the number of candidates in c but not approved by v plus the number of candidates approved by v not in c. >>>>>>> >>>>>>> Say we have an analogous Droop criterion for Approval: if more than k Droop quotas approve of a set of j candidates (and nobody else), then at least min(k, j) of these must be elected. >>>>>>> >>>>>>> For two winners, there are these possibilities: >>>>>>> 1. no Droop constraints >>>>>>> 2. k = 2, j >= 2 >>>>>>> 3. k = 2, j = 1 >>>>>>> 4. k = 1, j >= 1 >>>>>>> 5. k = 1, j = 1 >>>>>>> >>>>>>> 1. is no problem, because we can elect anyone we want without running afoul of the Approval DPC. >>>>>>> >>>>>>> 2. Since there can only be three Droop quotas in total, when we're considering A = {C_1, C_2} with C_1 and C_2 in the set of j candidates (call it J), we can eliminate all but the J-voters and the maximum penalty is j-2. >>>>>>> In contrast, for some B = {C_x, C_y} not a subset of j, the best it can do is eliminate a Droop quota of the J-voters. In the best case (for B), everybody but the J-voters approve of B alone. But there still remains a Droop quota (plus one voter) of the J-voters, and each of them gives penalty j. So A is preferred to B. >>>>>>> If B = {C_1, C_x}, then even if everybody but the J-voters approve of B alone, the J-voters give penalty j-1. So A is still preferred to B. >>>>>>> >>>>>>> 3. Same as in 2, but let A = {C_1, C_x}, J = {C_1}. With A, we eliminate so that only the J-voters are left, and then max penalty is 1 (for C_x). Furthermore, every remaining voter gives penalty 1. Let B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B, a Droop quota of J-voters are eliminated and we have a Droop quota plus one left. These all give penalty 2, which is worse than penalty 1. So A is preferred to B. >>>>>>> >>>>>>> 5. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. In the best case for B here, two Droop quotas minus a voter approve only of B, and the remaining Droop quota plus one voter approves of J = {C_1}. Eliminating all but one of the J-voters gives a max penalty of 3 from that one J-voter: one point for not having C_1, and two points for having C_x and C_y. A eliminates one of the two B-approving Droop quotas and gets a penalty of 1 from every remaining voter, which is better. >>>>>>> Note that I assume that C_x is approved by the B-voters. If that were not the case, then {C_x, C_y} would already be beaten by some {C_z, C_y} where C_z is. Note also that I don't consider the case where the B-voters also approve of a whole load of other candidates, with the idea of raising the penalty under A. The problem is that because only two candidates can be elected, this would also raise their penalty under B. >>>>>>> >>>>>>> 4. Let A = {C_1, C_x} and B = {C_x, C_y}. The best case for B has worst penalty j+2, since after a Droop quota of J-voters have been eliminated, there remains a single voter who only approves of J. After eliminating some of the B-voters, A gets penalty j from the J-voters (j-1 for the members of J not part of {C_1, C_x} and one more for C_x which is not approved by them), and one penalty point from the B-voters. >>>>>>> Here it'd seem that adding loads of candidates to the B-voters would make things hard. Can it be salvaged? >>>>>>> >>>>>>> Suppose there are J-voters and C-voters. B is a subset of C. >>>>>>> When considering outcome B, before excluding a Droop quota, every J-voter gives a penalty of j+2 and every C-voter gives a penalty of c-2 where c=|C|. >>>>>>> Under outcome A, before excluding, every J-voter gives j, and every B-voter gives c (-1 for having C_x, +1 for having C_1). >>>>>>> If j+2 > c, then we're in the domain above, and no problem. >>>>>>> If c > j+2, then the excluded candidates under both A and B are C-voters. >>>>>>> So under B we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c-2, and a Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j+2. >>>>>>> Under A we have a Droop quota of C-voters with penalty c, and a Droop quota plus one of J-voters at j. >>>>>>> >>>>>>> So unless I made a mistake, Hamming distance is not good enough. But I might have made a mistake, because it seems strange that even in ordinary minimax Approval, a coalition can increase its power by approving a lot of clones. E.g. suppose in ordinary minimax Approval that there are two coalitions of almost equal size: >>>>>>> >>>>>>> n+1: A B >>>>>>> n: C1 C2 C3 ... Cq >>>>>>> >>>>>>> {A, B} gets worst penalty q+2 (there are n of these and n+1 zeroes) >>>>>>> {A, C1} gets worst penalty q (n voters like C1 but not A) >>>>>>> {C1, C2} gets worst penalty q-2 (n voters give this penalty, and then n+1 give penalty 4). >>>>>>> >>>>>>> ... does that mean an arbitrarily small minority can force its own council to win by just approving enough clones that they set the worst penalty in every outcome? That feels rather wrong. >>>>>>> ---- >>>>>>> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info >>>>>>> >>>>>> >>>>>> -- >>>>>> Richard Lung. >>>>>> http://www.voting.ukscientists.com >>>>>> Democracy Science series 3 free e-books in pdf: >>>>>> https://plus.google.com/106191200795605365085 >>>>>> E-books in epub format: >>>>>> https://www.smashwords.com/profile/view/democracyscience >>>>>> >>>>>> >>>>>> --- >>>>>> This email has been checked for viruses by Avast antivirus software. >>>>>> https://www.avast.com/antivirus >>>>>> >>>>>> >>>>>> ---- >>>>>> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info >>>>> >>>>> >>>>> >>>>> -- >>>>> Jack Santucci, Ph.D. >>>>> Independent scholar >>>>> http://www.jacksantucci.com >>>> >>>> -- >>>> Richard Lung. >>>> http://www.voting.ukscientists.com >>>> Democracy Science series 3 free e-books in pdf: >>>> https://plus.google.com/106191200795605365085 >>>> E-books in epub format: >>>> https://www.smashwords.com/profile/view/democracyscience >>>> >>>> >>>> Virus-free. www.avast.com >>> >>> ---- >>> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info >>> >> >> ---- >> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info > ---- > Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info
RL
Rob Lanphier
Sun, Mar 11, 2018 3:35 AM

Hi Jack and Robert,

Much more inline below

Date: Wed, March 7, 2018 9:44 pm, From: "Jack Santucci" jms346@georgetown.edu

Political scientists like their parties to be few and disciplined. This is
said to promote accountability.

Yes, this.  It's very easy to discount the value of a party
infrastructure, but political parties at their best provide valuable
vetting and coordination.  In a capitalist society, we are frequently
confronted by more choices than we know what to do with.  Party labels
provide branding marks that are as useful when voting as branded food
items are at the grocery store.

(and thank you for the Carey and Hix reference; that's going on my reading list)

On Wed, Mar 7, 2018 at 10:58 PM, robert bristow-johnson
rbj@audioimagination.com wrote:

"few" makes sense if it is at least 3 parties that are viable and get people
elected.  then it wouldn't always fall into that "If you ain't fer us, you
agin' us!" syndrome of the two-party polarization. [...] and i certainly
don't want it to be as few as 1 or 0.  that would promote no
accountability.  if you toss in libertarians and communitarians and maybe
some wing on the left or right (like Greenies or Vermont Progs or John
Birch), "few" might mean 6 or 8.

i like that we have parties (i just wish more than the Dems and GOP) and i
think they serve a useful purpose in accomplishing sometimes difficult
political goals.  they do this by consolidation and coalition, and with
combined numbers, they can demonstrate political will and popular authority.

Agreed!  I think there is a big opportunity right now for the
Democrats to stake out a claim as the hub in a hub-and-spoke model of
party-based partisanship.  The Clinton New Democrats could be the
"let's not do anything too crazy" party at the hub of the system,
built around consensus-based leadership, with room for left-leaning
coalitions to split off who want a more concerted push for specific
policies.  Prudence and respect for governing expertise were taken for
granted prior to 2016, but we've all come to realize that it was a
norm waiting to be broken.  Having one honest broker party that
considers respect for governing and democratic ideals the topmost
priorities on their agenda would provide an anchor of administrative
continuity that we're lacking right now.  A good system would let a

this is why i am an unabashed advocate for RCV decided by Condorcet.  It can
demonstrate genuine mandate when such might be obscured by a polarized
2-party environment.

I've warmed up to Approval voting and simplified Score Voting (as
Kenneth Arrow seemed to like, with "three or four classes" or scores
to keep the strategic voting to a minimum)[1]
[1]: https://electology.org/podcasts/2012-10-06_kenneth_arrow

Being able to tell people "the candidate with the highest approval
rating wins" is powerful in its simplicity.  Plus, Brams' and
Fishburn's assertion that Approval almost always picks the Condorcet
winner2 sounds compelling and seems intuitive

Still, methods that are guaranteed to conform to the Condorcet
criterion are still very appealing to me.  I'm thinking of revisiting
the "Copeland Majority" method I proposed back in 2005:
http://election-methods.5485.n7.nabble.com/Copeland-s-criteria-td18953.html#a18954

Rather than starting a new effort, an interesting possibility is to
amend many other methods which are more definitive (e.g. Score/Range,
IRV) but have boundary conditions that make people nervous.  A
"Copeland Majority" winner (i.e. a Condorcet winner) could be allowed
to challenge the IRV or Score winner, which would result in a special
election.

So, for example, one could amend the law in a place that already has
IRV to avert the situation that happened in Burlington in 2009.3

In that election, if a "Copeland Majority Challenge" was possible,
Andy Montroll could have issued a challenge to Bob Kiss, and they
could have had a head-to-head special election.  That would have been
better than what did happen, which was that they held an election to
eliminate IRV, and switch to top-two jungle primary4.  Note that
Kurt Wright would not have been eligible to challenge

Here in San Francisco, we're using IRV now (as is Oakland, Berkeley,
and San Leandro)  I'm not aware of anything as bad as the Burlington
2009 election happening here, though my understanding is that Jean
Quan's election in Oakland in 2011 may have had similar issues (and,
unlike Burlington, it may be that Oakland doesn't publish the
information necessary to analyze it).

There are many things I don't like about Copeland (either in it's
classic form or in the modification I proposed).  But the thing I like
a lot about it is that it's simple to explain to anyone who follows
sports[5]
[5]: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2017%E2%80%9318_NBA_season#By_conference

Would it be possible to come up with an addition like a "Copeland
Majority Challenge" to make Range and/or IRV more appealing to
Condorcet advocates? (besides myself)?

Rob

Hi Jack and Robert, Much more inline below > Date: Wed, March 7, 2018 9:44 pm, From: "Jack Santucci" <jms346@georgetown.edu> >> Political scientists like their parties to be few and disciplined. This is >> said to promote accountability. Yes, this. It's very easy to discount the value of a party infrastructure, but political parties at their best provide valuable vetting and coordination. In a capitalist society, we are frequently confronted by more choices than we know what to do with. Party labels provide branding marks that are as useful when voting as branded food items are at the grocery store. (and thank you for the Carey and Hix reference; that's going on my reading list) On Wed, Mar 7, 2018 at 10:58 PM, robert bristow-johnson <rbj@audioimagination.com> wrote: > "few" makes sense if it is at least 3 parties that are viable and get people > elected. then it wouldn't always fall into that "If you ain't fer us, you > agin' us!" syndrome of the two-party polarization. [...] and i certainly > don't want it to be as few as 1 or 0. that would promote no > accountability. if you toss in libertarians and communitarians and maybe > some wing on the left or right (like Greenies or Vermont Progs or John > Birch), "few" might mean 6 or 8. > > i like that we have parties (i just wish more than the Dems and GOP) and i > think they serve a useful purpose in accomplishing sometimes difficult > political goals. they do this by consolidation and coalition, and with > combined numbers, they can demonstrate political will and popular authority. Agreed! I think there is a big opportunity right now for the Democrats to stake out a claim as the hub in a hub-and-spoke model of party-based partisanship. The Clinton New Democrats could be the "let's not do anything too crazy" party at the hub of the system, built around consensus-based leadership, with room for left-leaning coalitions to split off who want a more concerted push for specific policies. Prudence and respect for governing expertise were taken for granted prior to 2016, but we've all come to realize that it was a norm waiting to be broken. Having one honest broker party that considers respect for governing and democratic ideals the *topmost* priorities on their agenda would provide an anchor of administrative continuity that we're lacking right now. A good system would let a > this is why i am an unabashed advocate for RCV decided by Condorcet. It can > demonstrate genuine mandate when such might be obscured by a polarized > 2-party environment. I've warmed up to Approval voting and simplified Score Voting (as Kenneth Arrow seemed to like, with "three or four classes" or scores to keep the strategic voting to a minimum)[1] [1]: https://electology.org/podcasts/2012-10-06_kenneth_arrow Being able to tell people "the candidate with the highest approval rating wins" is powerful in its simplicity. Plus, Brams' and Fishburn's assertion that Approval almost always picks the Condorcet winner[2] sounds compelling and seems intuitive [2]: http://www.nyu.edu/gsas/dept/politics/faculty/brams/theory_to_practice.pdf Still, methods that are guaranteed to conform to the Condorcet criterion are still very appealing to me. I'm thinking of revisiting the "Copeland Majority" method I proposed back in 2005: <http://election-methods.5485.n7.nabble.com/Copeland-s-criteria-td18953.html#a18954> Rather than starting a new effort, an interesting possibility is to amend many other methods which are more definitive (e.g. Score/Range, IRV) but have boundary conditions that make people nervous. A "Copeland Majority" winner (i.e. a Condorcet winner) could be allowed to challenge the IRV or Score winner, which would result in a special election. So, for example, one could amend the law in a place that already has IRV to avert the situation that happened in Burlington in 2009.[3] [3]: https://wiki.electorama.com/wiki/2009_Burlington,_Vermont_Mayoral_Election In that election, if a "Copeland Majority Challenge" was possible, Andy Montroll could have issued a challenge to Bob Kiss, and they could have had a head-to-head special election. That would have been better than what did happen, which was that they held an election to eliminate IRV, and switch to top-two jungle primary[4]. Note that Kurt Wright would not have been eligible to challenge [4]: https://web.archive.org/web/20160409132306/http://www.wcax.com/story/12074080/burlington-voters-repeal-irv Here in San Francisco, we're using IRV now (as is Oakland, Berkeley, and San Leandro) I'm not *aware* of anything as bad as the Burlington 2009 election happening here, though my understanding is that Jean Quan's election in Oakland in 2011 may have had similar issues (and, unlike Burlington, it may be that Oakland doesn't publish the information necessary to analyze it). There are many things I don't like about Copeland (either in it's classic form or in the modification I proposed). But the thing I like a lot about it is that it's simple to explain to anyone who follows sports[5] [5]: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2017%E2%80%9318_NBA_season#By_conference Would it be possible to come up with an addition like a "Copeland Majority Challenge" to make Range and/or IRV more appealing to Condorcet advocates? (besides myself)? Rob