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Re: [EM] Manipulability stats for (some) poll methods

CB
Chris Benham
Mon, Apr 29, 2024 3:01 AM

CLC,

Chris—here in the United States, pushover is well-known and frequently
used, in the context of partisan primaries. We refer to it as "raiding".

That doesn't surprise me in the least. Your crazy party primary system
is a big open red-carpet invitation to pushover strategists.  I think
Nikki Hayley was Trump's last opponent in the Republican primaries to
drop out. On YouTube I saw one of her "supporters" interviewed.
He openly stated that he was only participating in that contest to try
to "stop Trump", and no matter who was the Republican nominee he was
definitely intending to vote Democrat in the general election.

In October last year Rob Lamphier asked me about Push-over in Australia:

/Is "pushover" strategy common in Australian elections, and commonly //named by that name? /

No and no.  I've only ever come across the term here, and from that Blake Cretney page.

Seats/districts where that would even be a theoretical possibility would be rare. I did read a report in a newspaper some time in the 1980s that the conservative Liberal Party toyed with the idea of doing that in one seat, but rejected
the idea on the grounds that it would undermine the perceived integrity of the election process and so the legitimacy of the winner. Bear in mind that we have "compulsory voting" which is popular, because it is widely accepted that voting is a civic duty.

In that district the highly predictable FPP order was Right > Centre-Right > Centre-Left, or if you want the parties' names Liberal > Australian Democrats > Labor.

It was also highly predictable that nearly all of the Labor voters would give their second preference to the Democrat and that a big majority of the Democrat voters would give their second preference vote to the Liberal.  (Bear in mind that truncation isn't allowed).

In that circumstance the Liberals could have organised for some of their supporters to vote Labor to "rescue" that candidate from being eliminated, so that instead the Democrat will be eliminated and then the Liberal will win in the pairwise contest with Labor.   BTW, the Democrat was the sitting member (and it may have been that party's only seat in the state parliament,Labor and Liberal are the two major parties).  Of course the Democrat was the Condorcet winner, but no-one  even had that concept.

I suspect Australia doesn't have any examples of turkey-raising
because it only has two major parties in its IRV seats, at which point
the strategy is pointless.

That is far from the main reason, and isn't universal. It's obviously
much more difficult than in the US with a primaries system or a Top-Two
Runoff. In that situation once the strategists have achieved their first
objective, getting the "turkey" into the final (or the general election)
they can then vote "honestly" to help defeat that candidate in the final
decisive stage.

But with Hare, the strategists have to stick with their insincere vote
supporting the turkey in the final and just hope that enough other
voters will overwhelm their votes and defeat the turkey.  This obviously
makes the risk of backfire (i.e. the turkey winning) much greater.
The strategists have to be careful that there aren't too many of them
(while of course it won't work if there are too few).

One mistake I think that voting reform enthusiasts in the US make is
that they over-estimate the effect of the electoral system/method on the
political culture as well as over-simplifying it.

For example they want more viable political parties and seem to assume
that all two-party dominated systems are roughly equivalent. But the one
with Hare is much better. In the FPP landscape the major parties can
foist unpopular candidates and/or policies onto the voters and say "You
have to vote for us because otherwise you'll just be wasting your vote
and letting your Greater Evil other major party win."  But in the Hare
landscape (especially with relatively easy ballot access) their ability
to do that is sharply curtailed.

Because the voters can then just turn around and nominate and support
independent candidates that support the same "side of politics" as their
usual favourite major party, with a chance to defeat the major party
candidates without helping the "wrong" one to win.

So one possible effect of replacing FPP with Hare is just that the two
major parties will both improve their behaviour and sensitivity to
voters to stop that from happening, and the whole system will serve
voters much better but still remain "two-party dominated".

The political culture of Australia assures that any attempts at Pushover
strategy would be kept very quiet, so I suppose I can't guarantee that
it's never been tried or succeeded. But I'd be be surprised.

Chris B.

On 29/04/2024 10:05 am, Closed Limelike Curves wrote:

Chris—here in the United States, pushover is well-known and frequently
used, in the context of partisan primaries. We refer to it as "raiding".
Usually it's difficult to notice, and I suspect the same is true in
Australia. The only difference is here in the United States we manage
to notice it from time to time, because what happens is candidates
will run big advertisement operations that aim to promote an extreme
candidate in a primary and give an easy win. I can't prove the same
thing happens with voters, but I'm not sure how you /would /prove that.

I suspect Australia doesn't have any examples of turkey-raising
because it only has two major parties in its IRV seats, at which point
the strategy is pointless.

On Sun, Apr 28, 2024 at 4:14 PM Chris Benham cbenhamau@yahoo.com.au
wrote:

 Michael—you're right that it means favorite-burial (cutting the
 "head" off a ballot). The term is quite old, though (older than
 "favorite betrayal" or "favorite burial" I believe)
 <https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0003055400194481/type/journal_article>.
 I don't like either term.  For me, "burial" refers to something a
 voter does to a candidate in the hope that will cause that
 candidate to lose to a candidate the voter prefers, and not just
 to any insincere down-ranking.  So "favorite-burial" is  an
 oxymoron that Mike O. likes to use.

 "Favorite Betrayal" meaning to insincerely down-rank one's
 favourite, is ok, but that could either be Compromise strategy
 (insincerely up-ranking X  to decrease the chance that X will lose
 to a candidate you like less) or Push-over (insincerely up-ranking
 X to increase the chance that X will lose to say F that you like
 better, instead of F losing to some Y that you like less).

 An attempt was made to standardise the terminology here quite a
 while ago:

 http://condorcet.org/emr/defn.shtml
 *burying*
 Insincerely ranking an alternative lower in the hope of defeating it.
 *compromising*
 Insincerely ranking an alternative higher in the hope of getting
 it elected.
 *push-over*
 The strategy of ranking a weak alternative higher than one's
 preferred alternative, which may be useful in a method that
 violatesmonotonicity
 <https://web.archive.org/web/20090613041320/http://condorcet.org/emr/defn.shtml#monotonicity>

 *monotonicity*
 The property of a method where an alternative can never be made
 to succeed by being ranked lower on some ballots.  Doing this is
 using the "push-over
 <https://web.archive.org/web/20090613041320/http://condorcet.org/emr/defn.shtml#push-over>"
 strategy.
 The genius of  STAR Voting is that it apparently technically
 doesn't "violate monotonicity", but it is vastly more vulnerable
 to Push-over than IRV which does, as I've explained previously.

 I find the question of whether there have been mistakes or
 exaggerations or false claims made by the IRV promoters to be
 completely irrelevant to, and a separate question from, whether
 its adoption in the US should be supported.

 Of more concern to me are the details of the ballot rules and
 restrictions. I think it is more democratic for it to be
 relatively easy to get on the ballot so as to allow the voters a
 wider choice of candidates. I understand that typically voters are
 limited to 7 different "ranking levels".  Well say there are 9
 candidates and my two least-preferred candidates are the two
 front-runners and I have a preference between them. If I vote
 sincerely my vote is just as wasted as if I had voted sincerely in
 FPP.

 IRV then doesn't have Clone Independence.  One of the main points
 of ranked-ballot versus FPP is to reduce the involuntarily wasted
 vote as much as possible.

 If such restrictive ballot rules are unavoidable, then I lose my
 enthusiasm for IRV or Benham in favour of something with a
 truncation incentive (and that is happy with equal-ranking if that
 isn't a problem for the ballot rules) such as Smith//Approval
 (implicit).

 Properly implemented Hare's  Compromise incentive is practically
 nothing by comparison with that of FPP, and no-one in Australia
 notices it.  I estimate it is also quite a bit weaker than that of
 STAR.  Pushover strategy in Hare is relatively difficult and risky
 in Hare and as far as I know it's never been tried in Australia. 
 Whereas STAR is a "festival of Push-over" farce/nightmare.

 And while (like STAR) it fails Condorcet, it has a solid set of
 "representativeness" criterion compliances that together can be
 thought of as weakened Condorcet and are worth quite a lot.

 They are Dominant Coalition (a better stronger version of Mutual
 Majority that so of course implies it) and Dominant Mutual Third
 and Condorcet Loser.   STAR only meets the last of those, the weakest.

 Chris B.


 On 29/04/2024 5:08 am, Closed Limelike Curves wrote:
 Michael—you're right that it means favorite-burial (cutting the
 "head" off a ballot). The term is quite old, though (older than
 "favorite betrayal" or "favorite burial" I believe)
 <https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0003055400194481/type/journal_article>.

 On Sun, Apr 28, 2024 at 12:02 PM Michael Ossipoff
 <email9648742@gmail.com> wrote:

     Of course I’m just guessing, but my guess is that
     “decapitation” is Closed’s new name for favorite-burial.

     Closed sometimes in invents new names without define them.

     IRV indeed shares Plurality’s need for favorite-burial
     defensive-strategy. I don’t like that, & wouldn’t propose
     IRV. There are a number of places where IRV is (the only
     electoral reform) up for enactment this year, In spite of
     that very  unlikeable strategy-need, I wanted to help
     campaign for its enactment, in the hope that the voters
     who’ve enacted it didn’t do so because they intend to bury
     their favorite, & so so won’t do so.

     But, because IRV is being fraudulently sold to them, with
     intentional lies, we can’t count on how people will vote when
     they find out about what they’ve enacted…when they find out
     about the lie.

     Therefore, regrettably, we shouldn’t support “RCV”.


     On Sun, Apr 28, 2024 at 11:15 Chris Benham
     <cbenhamau@yahoo.com.au> wrote:

         Limelike,

         Can you please define and explain the "decapitation"
         strategy?   I haven't heard of it.

         And can you elaborate a bit on this? :
         IRV is a good example of this. It's /usually/ not
         susceptible to strategy (in the IAC model), but I think
         of it as one of the most strategy-afflicted methods on
         this list. It's vulnerable to some
         particularly-egregious strategies (decapitation), ones
         that are complex or difficult to explain (pushover), and
         many strategies [that?] don't have a simple defensive
         counterstrategy available (like truncation).
         Chris B.

         On 29/04/2024 2:31 am, Closed Limelike Curves wrote:
         Hi Kris, thanks for the results! They're definitely
         interesting.

         That said, I'm not sure how useful a metric raw
         probabilities provide; I don't think they provide a very
         strong measure of how /severely/ each system is affected
         by strategy. Missing are:
         1. How much do voters have to distort their ballots? Is
         it just truncation, compression (as with
         tied-at-the-top), or full decapitation?
         2. How hard is it to think of the strategy?
         Counterintuitive strategies (e.g. randomized strategies
         or pushover) require large, organized parties to educate
         their supporters about how to pull it off. This could be
         good or bad depending on if you like institutionalized
         parties. Good: sometimes people can't pull it off. Bad:
         this creates an incentive for strong parties and
         partisanship. See the Alaska 2022 Senate race, where
         Democrats pulled off a favorite-betrayal in support of
         Murkowski to avoid a center-squeeze.
         3. Is a counterstrategy available?
         4. How feasible is the strategy (does it involve many or
         few voters)?
         5. How bad would the effects of the strategy be? Borda
         is bad not just because it's often susceptible to
         strategy, but because it gives turkeys a solid chance of
         winning.

         IRV is a good example of this. It's /usually/ not
         susceptible to strategy (in the IAC model), but I think
         of it as one of the most strategy-afflicted methods on
         this list. It's vulnerable to some
         particularly-egregious strategies (decapitation), ones
         that are complex or difficult to explain (pushover), and
         many strategies don't have a simple defensive
         counterstrategy available (like truncation).

         A low-probability but occasionally high-impact strategy
         might be the worst of both worlds; voters get lulled
         into a false sense of security by a few elections where
         strategy doesn't matter, then suddenly find a candidate
         they dislike elected because they failed to execute the
         appropriate defensive strategy.

         ----
         Election-Methods mailing list - seehttps://electorama.com/em  for list info
CLC, > Chris—here in the United States, pushover is well-known and frequently > used, in the context of partisan primaries. We refer to it as "raiding". That doesn't surprise me in the least. Your crazy party primary system is a big open red-carpet invitation to pushover strategists.  I think Nikki Hayley was Trump's last opponent in the Republican primaries to drop out. On YouTube I saw one of her "supporters" interviewed. He openly stated that he was only participating in that contest to try to "stop Trump", and no matter who was the Republican nominee he was definitely intending to vote Democrat in the general election. In October last year Rob Lamphier asked me about Push-over in Australia: >/Is "pushover" strategy common in Australian elections, and commonly //named by that name? / No and no.  I've only ever come across the term here, and from that Blake Cretney page. Seats/districts where that would even be a theoretical possibility would be rare. I did read a report in a newspaper some time in the 1980s that the conservative Liberal Party toyed with the idea of doing that in one seat, but rejected the idea on the grounds that it would undermine the perceived integrity of the election process and so the legitimacy of the winner. Bear in mind that we have "compulsory voting" which is popular, because it is widely accepted that voting is a civic duty. In that district the highly predictable FPP order was Right > Centre-Right > Centre-Left, or if you want the parties' names Liberal > Australian Democrats > Labor. It was also highly predictable that nearly all of the Labor voters would give their second preference to the Democrat and that a big majority of the Democrat voters would give their second preference vote to the Liberal.  (Bear in mind that truncation isn't allowed). In that circumstance the Liberals could have organised for some of their supporters to vote Labor to "rescue" that candidate from being eliminated, so that instead the Democrat will be eliminated and then the Liberal will win in the pairwise contest with Labor.   BTW, the Democrat was the sitting member (and it may have been that party's only seat in the state parliament,Labor and Liberal are the two major parties).  Of course the Democrat was the Condorcet winner, but no-one  even had that concept. > I suspect Australia doesn't have any examples of turkey-raising > because it only has two major parties in its IRV seats, at which point > the strategy is pointless. That is far from the main reason, and isn't universal. It's obviously much more difficult than in the US with a primaries system or a Top-Two Runoff. In that situation once the strategists have achieved their first objective, getting the "turkey" into the final (or the general election) they can then vote "honestly" to help defeat that candidate in the final decisive stage. But with Hare, the strategists have to stick with their insincere vote supporting the turkey in the final and just hope that enough other voters will overwhelm their votes and defeat the turkey.  This obviously makes the risk of backfire (i.e. the turkey winning) much greater. The strategists have to be careful that there aren't too many of them (while of course it won't work if there are too few). One mistake I think that voting reform enthusiasts in the US make is that they over-estimate the effect of the electoral system/method on the political culture as well as over-simplifying it. For example they want more viable political parties and seem to assume that all two-party dominated systems are roughly equivalent. But the one with Hare is much better. In the FPP landscape the major parties can foist unpopular candidates and/or policies onto the voters and say "You have to vote for us because otherwise you'll just be wasting your vote and letting your Greater Evil other major party win."  But in the Hare landscape (especially with relatively easy ballot access) their ability to do that is sharply curtailed. Because the voters can then just turn around and nominate and support independent candidates that support the same "side of politics" as their usual favourite major party, with a chance to defeat the major party candidates without helping the "wrong" one to win. So one possible effect of replacing FPP with Hare is just that the two major parties will both improve their behaviour and sensitivity to voters to stop that from happening, and the whole system will serve voters much better but still remain "two-party dominated". The political culture of Australia assures that any attempts at Pushover strategy would be kept very quiet, so I suppose I can't guarantee that it's never been tried or succeeded. But I'd be be surprised. Chris B. On 29/04/2024 10:05 am, Closed Limelike Curves wrote: > Chris—here in the United States, pushover is well-known and frequently > used, in the context of partisan primaries. We refer to it as "raiding". > Usually it's difficult to notice, and I suspect the same is true in > Australia. The only difference is here in the United States we manage > to notice it from time to time, because what happens is candidates > will run big advertisement operations that aim to promote an extreme > candidate in a primary and give an easy win. I can't prove the same > thing happens with voters, but I'm not sure how you /would /prove that. > > I suspect Australia doesn't have any examples of turkey-raising > because it only has two major parties in its IRV seats, at which point > the strategy is pointless. > > On Sun, Apr 28, 2024 at 4:14 PM Chris Benham <cbenhamau@yahoo.com.au> > wrote: > >> Michael—you're right that it means favorite-burial (cutting the >> "head" off a ballot). The term is quite old, though (older than >> "favorite betrayal" or "favorite burial" I believe) >> <https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0003055400194481/type/journal_article>. > > I don't like either term.  For me, "burial" refers to something a > voter does to a candidate in the hope that will cause that > candidate to lose to a candidate the voter prefers, and not just > to any insincere down-ranking.  So "favorite-burial" is  an > oxymoron that Mike O. likes to use. > > "Favorite Betrayal" meaning to insincerely down-rank one's > favourite, is ok, but that could either be Compromise strategy > (insincerely up-ranking X  to decrease the chance that X will lose > to a candidate you like less) or Push-over (insincerely up-ranking > X to increase the chance that X will lose to say F that you like > better, instead of F losing to some Y that you like less). > > An attempt was made to standardise the terminology here quite a > while ago: > > http://condorcet.org/emr/defn.shtml > >> *burying* >> Insincerely ranking an alternative lower in the hope of defeating it. >> *compromising* >> Insincerely ranking an alternative higher in the hope of getting >> it elected. >> *push-over* >> The strategy of ranking a weak alternative higher than one's >> preferred alternative, which may be useful in a method that >> violatesmonotonicity >> <https://web.archive.org/web/20090613041320/http://condorcet.org/emr/defn.shtml#monotonicity> >> >> *monotonicity* >> The property of a method where an alternative can never be made >> to succeed by being ranked lower on some ballots.  Doing this is >> using the "push-over >> <https://web.archive.org/web/20090613041320/http://condorcet.org/emr/defn.shtml#push-over>" >> strategy. >> >> > > The genius of  STAR Voting is that it apparently technically > doesn't "violate monotonicity", but it is vastly more vulnerable > to Push-over than IRV which does, as I've explained previously. > > I find the question of whether there have been mistakes or > exaggerations or false claims made by the IRV promoters to be > completely irrelevant to, and a separate question from, whether > its adoption in the US should be supported. > > Of more concern to me are the details of the ballot rules and > restrictions. I think it is more democratic for it to be > relatively easy to get on the ballot so as to allow the voters a > wider choice of candidates. I understand that typically voters are > limited to 7 different "ranking levels".  Well say there are 9 > candidates and my two least-preferred candidates are the two > front-runners and I have a preference between them. If I vote > sincerely my vote is just as wasted as if I had voted sincerely in > FPP. > > IRV then doesn't have Clone Independence.  One of the main points > of ranked-ballot versus FPP is to reduce the involuntarily wasted > vote as much as possible. > > If such restrictive ballot rules are unavoidable, then I lose my > enthusiasm for IRV or Benham in favour of something with a > truncation incentive (and that is happy with equal-ranking if that > isn't a problem for the ballot rules) such as Smith//Approval > (implicit). > > Properly implemented Hare's  Compromise incentive is practically > nothing by comparison with that of FPP, and no-one in Australia > notices it.  I estimate it is also quite a bit weaker than that of > STAR.  Pushover strategy in Hare is relatively difficult and risky > in Hare and as far as I know it's never been tried in Australia.  > Whereas STAR is a "festival of Push-over" farce/nightmare. > > And while (like STAR) it fails Condorcet, it has a solid set of > "representativeness" criterion compliances that together can be > thought of as weakened Condorcet and are worth quite a lot. > > They are Dominant Coalition (a better stronger version of Mutual > Majority that so of course implies it) and Dominant Mutual Third > and Condorcet Loser.   STAR only meets the last of those, the weakest. > > Chris B. > > > On 29/04/2024 5:08 am, Closed Limelike Curves wrote: >> Michael—you're right that it means favorite-burial (cutting the >> "head" off a ballot). The term is quite old, though (older than >> "favorite betrayal" or "favorite burial" I believe) >> <https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0003055400194481/type/journal_article>. >> >> On Sun, Apr 28, 2024 at 12:02 PM Michael Ossipoff >> <email9648742@gmail.com> wrote: >> >> Of course I’m just guessing, but my guess is that >> “decapitation” is Closed’s new name for favorite-burial. >> >> Closed sometimes in invents new names without define them. >> >> IRV indeed shares Plurality’s need for favorite-burial >> defensive-strategy. I don’t like that, & wouldn’t propose >> IRV. There are a number of places where IRV is (the only >> electoral reform) up for enactment this year, In spite of >> that very  unlikeable strategy-need, I wanted to help >> campaign for its enactment, in the hope that the voters >> who’ve enacted it didn’t do so because they intend to bury >> their favorite, & so so won’t do so. >> >> But, because IRV is being fraudulently sold to them, with >> intentional lies, we can’t count on how people will vote when >> they find out about what they’ve enacted…when they find out >> about the lie. >> >> Therefore, regrettably, we shouldn’t support “RCV”. >> >> >> On Sun, Apr 28, 2024 at 11:15 Chris Benham >> <cbenhamau@yahoo.com.au> wrote: >> >> Limelike, >> >> Can you please define and explain the "decapitation" >> strategy?   I haven't heard of it. >> >> And can you elaborate a bit on this? : >> >>> IRV is a good example of this. It's /usually/ not >>> susceptible to strategy (in the IAC model), but I think >>> of it as one of the most strategy-afflicted methods on >>> this list. It's vulnerable to some >>> particularly-egregious strategies (decapitation), ones >>> that are complex or difficult to explain (pushover), and >>> many strategies [that?] don't have a simple defensive >>> counterstrategy available (like truncation). >> >> Chris B. >> >> On 29/04/2024 2:31 am, Closed Limelike Curves wrote: >>> Hi Kris, thanks for the results! They're definitely >>> interesting. >>> >>> That said, I'm not sure how useful a metric raw >>> probabilities provide; I don't think they provide a very >>> strong measure of how /severely/ each system is affected >>> by strategy. Missing are: >>> 1. How much do voters have to distort their ballots? Is >>> it just truncation, compression (as with >>> tied-at-the-top), or full decapitation? >>> 2. How hard is it to think of the strategy? >>> Counterintuitive strategies (e.g. randomized strategies >>> or pushover) require large, organized parties to educate >>> their supporters about how to pull it off. This could be >>> good or bad depending on if you like institutionalized >>> parties. Good: sometimes people can't pull it off. Bad: >>> this creates an incentive for strong parties and >>> partisanship. See the Alaska 2022 Senate race, where >>> Democrats pulled off a favorite-betrayal in support of >>> Murkowski to avoid a center-squeeze. >>> 3. Is a counterstrategy available? >>> 4. How feasible is the strategy (does it involve many or >>> few voters)? >>> 5. How bad would the effects of the strategy be? Borda >>> is bad not just because it's often susceptible to >>> strategy, but because it gives turkeys a solid chance of >>> winning. >>> >>> IRV is a good example of this. It's /usually/ not >>> susceptible to strategy (in the IAC model), but I think >>> of it as one of the most strategy-afflicted methods on >>> this list. It's vulnerable to some >>> particularly-egregious strategies (decapitation), ones >>> that are complex or difficult to explain (pushover), and >>> many strategies don't have a simple defensive >>> counterstrategy available (like truncation). >>> >>> A low-probability but occasionally high-impact strategy >>> might be the worst of both worlds; voters get lulled >>> into a false sense of security by a few elections where >>> strategy doesn't matter, then suddenly find a candidate >>> they dislike elected because they failed to execute the >>> appropriate defensive strategy. >>> >>> ---- >>> Election-Methods mailing list - seehttps://electorama.com/em for list info >>
CL
Closed Limelike Curves
Wed, May 15, 2024 1:12 AM

Seats/districts where that would even be a theoretical possibility would

be rare. I did read a report in a newspaper some time in the 1980s that the
conservative Liberal Party toyed with the idea of doing that in one seat,
but rejected the idea on the grounds that it would undermine the perceived
integrity of the election process and so the legitimacy of the winner.

Damn. That certainly wouldn't happen in the current political climate here

in the US.

That said, our Democratic party encourages this kind of strategy often.
Usually, that's not by instructing their supporters to raid the opposing
primary; instead they create "attack advertisements" that are intentionally
awful. ("This far-right candidate wants to increase the debt by SLASHING
INCOME TAXES FOR THE MIDDLE CLASS!")

On Sun, Apr 28, 2024 at 8:01 PM Chris Benham cbenhamau@yahoo.com.au wrote:

CLC,

Chris—here in the United States, pushover is well-known and frequently
used, in the context of partisan primaries. We refer to it as "raiding".

That doesn't surprise me in the least. Your crazy party primary system is
a big open red-carpet invitation to pushover strategists.  I think Nikki
Hayley was Trump's last opponent in the Republican primaries to drop out.
On YouTube I saw one of her "supporters" interviewed.
He openly stated that he was only participating in that contest to try to
"stop Trump", and no matter who was the Republican nominee he was
definitely intending to vote Democrat in the general election.

In October last year Rob Lamphier asked me about Push-over in Australia:

  • Is "pushover" strategy common in Australian elections, and commonly **named by that name?

No and no.  I've only ever come across the term here, and from that Blake Cretney page.

Seats/districts where that would even be a theoretical possibility would be rare. I did read a report in a newspaper some time in the 1980s that the conservative Liberal Party toyed with the idea of doing that in one seat, but rejected
the idea on the grounds that it would undermine the perceived integrity of the election process and so the legitimacy of the winner. Bear in mind that we have "compulsory voting" which is popular, because it is widely accepted that voting is a civic duty.

In that district the highly predictable FPP order was Right > Centre-Right > Centre-Left, or if you want the parties' names Liberal > Australian Democrats > Labor.

It was also highly predictable that nearly all of the Labor voters would give their second preference to the Democrat and that a big majority of the Democrat voters would give their second preference vote to the Liberal.  (Bear in mind that truncation isn't allowed).

In that circumstance the Liberals could have organised for some of their supporters to vote Labor to "rescue" that candidate from being eliminated, so that instead the Democrat will be eliminated and then the Liberal will win in the pairwise contest with Labor.  BTW, the Democrat was the sitting member (and it may have been that party's only seat in the state parliament,Labor and Liberal are the two major parties).  Of course the Democrat was the Condorcet winner, but no-one  even had that concept.

I suspect Australia doesn't have any examples of turkey-raising because it
only has two major parties in its IRV seats, at which point the strategy is
pointless.

That is far from the main reason, and isn't universal. It's obviously much
more difficult than in the US with a primaries system or a Top-Two Runoff.
In that situation once the strategists have achieved their first objective,
getting the "turkey" into the final (or the general election) they can then
vote "honestly" to help defeat that candidate in the final decisive stage.

But with Hare, the strategists have to stick with their insincere vote
supporting the turkey in the final and just hope that enough other voters
will overwhelm their votes and defeat the turkey.  This obviously makes the
risk of backfire (i.e. the turkey winning) much greater.
The strategists have to be careful that there aren't too many of them
(while of course it won't work if there are too few).

One mistake I think that voting reform enthusiasts in the US make is that
they over-estimate the effect of the electoral system/method on the
political culture as well as over-simplifying it.

For example they want more viable political parties and seem to assume
that all two-party dominated systems are roughly equivalent. But the one
with Hare is much better. In the FPP landscape the major parties can foist
unpopular candidates and/or policies onto the voters and say "You have to
vote for us because otherwise you'll just be wasting your vote and letting
your Greater Evil other major party win."  But in the Hare landscape
(especially with relatively easy ballot access) their ability to do that is
sharply curtailed.

Because the voters can then just turn around and nominate and support
independent candidates that support the same "side of politics" as their
usual favourite major party, with a chance to defeat the major party
candidates without helping the "wrong" one to win.

So one possible effect of replacing FPP with Hare is just that the two
major parties will both improve their behaviour and sensitivity to voters
to stop that from happening, and the whole system will serve voters much
better but still remain "two-party dominated".

The political culture of Australia assures that any attempts at Pushover
strategy would be kept very quiet, so I suppose I can't guarantee that it's
never been tried or succeeded. But I'd be be surprised.

Chris B.

On 29/04/2024 10:05 am, Closed Limelike Curves wrote:

Chris—here in the United States, pushover is well-known and frequently
used, in the context of partisan primaries. We refer to it as "raiding".
Usually it's difficult to notice, and I suspect the same is true in
Australia. The only difference is here in the United States we manage to
notice it from time to time, because what happens is candidates will run
big advertisement operations that aim to promote an extreme candidate in a
primary and give an easy win. I can't prove the same thing happens with
voters, but I'm not sure how you *would *prove that.

I suspect Australia doesn't have any examples of turkey-raising because it
only has two major parties in its IRV seats, at which point the strategy is
pointless.

On Sun, Apr 28, 2024 at 4:14 PM Chris Benham cbenhamau@yahoo.com.au
wrote:

Michael—you're right that it means favorite-burial (cutting the "head"
off a ballot). The term is quite old, though (older than "favorite
betrayal" or "favorite burial" I believe)
https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0003055400194481/type/journal_article
.

I don't like either term.  For me, "burial" refers to something a voter
does to a candidate in the hope that will cause that candidate to lose to a
candidate the voter prefers, and not just to any insincere down-ranking.
So "favorite-burial" is  an oxymoron that Mike O. likes to use.

"Favorite Betrayal" meaning to insincerely down-rank one's favourite, is
ok, but that could either be Compromise strategy (insincerely up-ranking X
to decrease the chance that X will lose to a candidate you like less) or
Push-over (insincerely up-ranking X to increase the chance that X will lose
to say F that you like better, instead of F losing to some Y that you like
less).

An attempt was made to standardise the terminology here quite a while ago:

http://condorcet.org/emr/defn.shtml

burying
Insincerely ranking an alternative lower in the hope of defeating it.

compromising
Insincerely ranking an alternative higher in the hope of getting it
elected.

push-over
The strategy of ranking a weak alternative higher than one's preferred
alternative, which may be useful in a method that violates monotonicity
https://web.archive.org/web/20090613041320/http://condorcet.org/emr/defn.shtml#monotonicity

monotonicity
The property of a method where an alternative can never be made to
succeed by being ranked lower on some ballots.  Doing this is using the "
push-over
https://web.archive.org/web/20090613041320/http://condorcet.org/emr/defn.shtml#push-over"
strategy.

The genius of  STAR Voting is that it apparently technically doesn't
"violate monotonicity", but it is vastly more vulnerable to Push-over than
IRV which does, as I've explained previously.

I find the question of whether there have been mistakes or exaggerations
or false claims made by the IRV promoters to be completely irrelevant to,
and a separate question from, whether its adoption in the US should be
supported.

Of more concern to me are the details of the ballot rules and
restrictions. I think it is more democratic for it to be relatively easy to
get on the ballot so as to allow the voters a wider choice of candidates. I
understand that typically voters are limited to 7 different "ranking
levels".  Well say there are 9 candidates and my two least-preferred
candidates are the two front-runners and I have a preference between them.
If I vote sincerely my vote is just as wasted as if I had voted sincerely
in FPP.

IRV then doesn't have Clone Independence.  One of the main points of
ranked-ballot versus FPP is to reduce the involuntarily wasted vote as much
as possible.

If such restrictive ballot rules are unavoidable, then I lose my
enthusiasm for IRV or Benham in favour of something with a truncation
incentive (and that is happy with equal-ranking if that isn't a problem for
the ballot rules) such as Smith//Approval (implicit).

Properly implemented Hare's  Compromise incentive is practically nothing
by comparison with that of FPP, and no-one in Australia notices it.  I
estimate it is also quite a bit weaker than that of STAR.  Pushover
strategy in Hare is relatively difficult and risky in Hare and as far as I
know it's never been tried in Australia.  Whereas STAR is a "festival of
Push-over" farce/nightmare.

And while (like STAR) it fails Condorcet, it has a solid set of
"representativeness" criterion compliances that together can be thought of
as weakened Condorcet and are worth quite a lot.

They are Dominant Coalition (a better stronger version of Mutual Majority
that so of course implies it) and Dominant Mutual Third and Condorcet
Loser.  STAR only meets the last of those, the weakest.

Chris B.

On 29/04/2024 5:08 am, Closed Limelike Curves wrote:

Michael—you're right that it means favorite-burial (cutting the "head"
off a ballot). The term is quite old, though (older than "favorite
betrayal" or "favorite burial" I believe)
https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0003055400194481/type/journal_article
.

On Sun, Apr 28, 2024 at 12:02 PM Michael Ossipoff email9648742@gmail.com
wrote:

Of course I’m just guessing, but my guess is that “decapitation” is
Closed’s new name for favorite-burial.

Closed sometimes in invents new names without define them.

IRV indeed shares Plurality’s need for favorite-burial
defensive-strategy. I don’t like that, & wouldn’t propose IRV. There are a
number of places where IRV is (the only electoral reform) up for enactment
this year, In spite of that very  unlikeable strategy-need, I wanted to
help campaign for its enactment, in the hope that the voters who’ve enacted
it didn’t do so because they intend to bury their favorite, & so so won’t
do so.

But, because IRV is being fraudulently sold to them, with intentional
lies, we can’t count on how people will vote when they find out about what
they’ve enacted…when they find out about the lie.

Therefore, regrettably, we shouldn’t support “RCV”.

On Sun, Apr 28, 2024 at 11:15 Chris Benham cbenhamau@yahoo.com.au
wrote:

Limelike,

Can you please define and explain the "decapitation" strategy?  I
haven't heard of it.

And can you elaborate a bit on this? :

IRV is a good example of this. It's usually not susceptible to
strategy (in the IAC model), but I think of it as one of the most
strategy-afflicted methods on this list. It's vulnerable to some
particularly-egregious strategies (decapitation), ones that are complex or
difficult to explain (pushover), and many strategies [that?] don't have a
simple defensive counterstrategy available (like truncation).

Chris B.

On 29/04/2024 2:31 am, Closed Limelike Curves wrote:

Hi Kris, thanks for the results! They're definitely interesting.

That said, I'm not sure how useful a metric raw probabilities provide;
I don't think they provide a very strong measure of how severely each
system is affected by strategy. Missing are:

  1. How much do voters have to distort their ballots? Is it just
    truncation, compression (as with tied-at-the-top), or full decapitation?
  2. How hard is it to think of the strategy? Counterintuitive strategies
    (e.g. randomized strategies or pushover) require large, organized parties
    to educate their supporters about how to pull it off. This could be good or
    bad depending on if you like institutionalized parties. Good: sometimes
    people can't pull it off. Bad: this creates an incentive for strong parties
    and partisanship. See the Alaska 2022 Senate race, where Democrats pulled
    off a favorite-betrayal in support of Murkowski to avoid a center-squeeze.
  3. Is a counterstrategy available?
  4. How feasible is the strategy (does it involve many or few voters)?
  5. How bad would the effects of the strategy be? Borda is bad not just
    because it's often susceptible to strategy, but because it gives turkeys a
    solid chance of winning.

IRV is a good example of this. It's usually not susceptible to
strategy (in the IAC model), but I think of it as one of the most
strategy-afflicted methods on this list. It's vulnerable to some
particularly-egregious strategies (decapitation), ones that are complex or
difficult to explain (pushover), and many strategies don't have a simple
defensive counterstrategy available (like truncation).

A low-probability but occasionally high-impact strategy might be the
worst of both worlds; voters get lulled into a false sense of security by a
few elections where strategy doesn't matter, then suddenly find a candidate
they dislike elected because they failed to execute the appropriate
defensive strategy.


Election-Methods mailing list - see https://electorama.com/em for list info

> > Seats/districts where that would even be a theoretical possibility would >> be rare. I did read a report in a newspaper some time in the 1980s that the >> conservative Liberal Party toyed with the idea of doing that in one seat, >> but rejected the idea on the grounds that it would undermine the perceived >> integrity of the election process and so the legitimacy of the winner. > > Damn. That certainly wouldn't happen in the current political climate here in the US. That said, our Democratic party encourages this kind of strategy often. Usually, that's not by instructing their supporters to raid the opposing primary; instead they create "attack advertisements" that are intentionally awful. ("This far-right candidate wants to increase the debt by SLASHING INCOME TAXES FOR THE MIDDLE CLASS!") On Sun, Apr 28, 2024 at 8:01 PM Chris Benham <cbenhamau@yahoo.com.au> wrote: > CLC, > > Chris—here in the United States, pushover is well-known and frequently > used, in the context of partisan primaries. We refer to it as "raiding". > > > That doesn't surprise me in the least. Your crazy party primary system is > a big open red-carpet invitation to pushover strategists. I think Nikki > Hayley was Trump's last opponent in the Republican primaries to drop out. > On YouTube I saw one of her "supporters" interviewed. > He openly stated that he was only participating in that contest to try to > "stop Trump", and no matter who was the Republican nominee he was > definitely intending to vote Democrat in the general election. > > In October last year Rob Lamphier asked me about Push-over in Australia: > > >* Is "pushover" strategy common in Australian elections, and commonly **named by that name? > * > No and no. I've only ever come across the term here, and from that Blake Cretney page. > > Seats/districts where that would even be a theoretical possibility would be rare. I did read a report in a newspaper some time in the 1980s that the conservative Liberal Party toyed with the idea of doing that in one seat, but rejected > the idea on the grounds that it would undermine the perceived integrity of the election process and so the legitimacy of the winner. Bear in mind that we have "compulsory voting" which is popular, because it is widely accepted that voting is a civic duty. > > In that district the highly predictable FPP order was Right > Centre-Right > Centre-Left, or if you want the parties' names Liberal > Australian Democrats > Labor. > > It was also highly predictable that nearly all of the Labor voters would give their second preference to the Democrat and that a big majority of the Democrat voters would give their second preference vote to the Liberal. (Bear in mind that truncation isn't allowed). > > In that circumstance the Liberals could have organised for some of their supporters to vote Labor to "rescue" that candidate from being eliminated, so that instead the Democrat will be eliminated and then the Liberal will win in the pairwise contest with Labor. BTW, the Democrat was the sitting member (and it may have been that party's only seat in the state parliament,Labor and Liberal are the two major parties). Of course the Democrat was the Condorcet winner, but no-one even had that concept. > > > I suspect Australia doesn't have any examples of turkey-raising because it > only has two major parties in its IRV seats, at which point the strategy is > pointless. > > > That is far from the main reason, and isn't universal. It's obviously much > more difficult than in the US with a primaries system or a Top-Two Runoff. > In that situation once the strategists have achieved their first objective, > getting the "turkey" into the final (or the general election) they can then > vote "honestly" to help defeat that candidate in the final decisive stage. > > But with Hare, the strategists have to stick with their insincere vote > supporting the turkey in the final and just hope that enough other voters > will overwhelm their votes and defeat the turkey. This obviously makes the > risk of backfire (i.e. the turkey winning) much greater. > The strategists have to be careful that there aren't too many of them > (while of course it won't work if there are too few). > > One mistake I think that voting reform enthusiasts in the US make is that > they over-estimate the effect of the electoral system/method on the > political culture as well as over-simplifying it. > > For example they want more viable political parties and seem to assume > that all two-party dominated systems are roughly equivalent. But the one > with Hare is much better. In the FPP landscape the major parties can foist > unpopular candidates and/or policies onto the voters and say "You have to > vote for us because otherwise you'll just be wasting your vote and letting > your Greater Evil other major party win." But in the Hare landscape > (especially with relatively easy ballot access) their ability to do that is > sharply curtailed. > > Because the voters can then just turn around and nominate and support > independent candidates that support the same "side of politics" as their > usual favourite major party, with a chance to defeat the major party > candidates without helping the "wrong" one to win. > > So one possible effect of replacing FPP with Hare is just that the two > major parties will both improve their behaviour and sensitivity to voters > to stop that from happening, and the whole system will serve voters much > better but still remain "two-party dominated". > > The political culture of Australia assures that any attempts at Pushover > strategy would be kept very quiet, so I suppose I can't guarantee that it's > never been tried or succeeded. But I'd be be surprised. > > > Chris B. > > > On 29/04/2024 10:05 am, Closed Limelike Curves wrote: > > Chris—here in the United States, pushover is well-known and frequently > used, in the context of partisan primaries. We refer to it as "raiding". > Usually it's difficult to notice, and I suspect the same is true in > Australia. The only difference is here in the United States we manage to > notice it from time to time, because what happens is candidates will run > big advertisement operations that aim to promote an extreme candidate in a > primary and give an easy win. I can't prove the same thing happens with > voters, but I'm not sure how you *would *prove that. > > I suspect Australia doesn't have any examples of turkey-raising because it > only has two major parties in its IRV seats, at which point the strategy is > pointless. > > On Sun, Apr 28, 2024 at 4:14 PM Chris Benham <cbenhamau@yahoo.com.au> > wrote: > >> Michael—you're right that it means favorite-burial (cutting the "head" >> off a ballot). The term is quite old, though (older than "favorite >> betrayal" or "favorite burial" I believe) >> <https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0003055400194481/type/journal_article> >> . >> >> >> I don't like either term. For me, "burial" refers to something a voter >> does to a candidate in the hope that will cause that candidate to lose to a >> candidate the voter prefers, and not just to any insincere down-ranking. >> So "favorite-burial" is an oxymoron that Mike O. likes to use. >> >> "Favorite Betrayal" meaning to insincerely down-rank one's favourite, is >> ok, but that could either be Compromise strategy (insincerely up-ranking X >> to decrease the chance that X will lose to a candidate you like less) or >> Push-over (insincerely up-ranking X to increase the chance that X will lose >> to say F that you like better, instead of F losing to some Y that you like >> less). >> >> An attempt was made to standardise the terminology here quite a while ago: >> >> http://condorcet.org/emr/defn.shtml >> >> *burying* >> Insincerely ranking an alternative lower in the hope of defeating it. >> >> *compromising* >> Insincerely ranking an alternative higher in the hope of getting it >> elected. >> >> *push-over* >> The strategy of ranking a weak alternative higher than one's preferred >> alternative, which may be useful in a method that violates monotonicity >> <https://web.archive.org/web/20090613041320/http://condorcet.org/emr/defn.shtml#monotonicity> >> >> *monotonicity* >> The property of a method where an alternative can never be made to >> succeed by being ranked lower on some ballots. Doing this is using the " >> push-over >> <https://web.archive.org/web/20090613041320/http://condorcet.org/emr/defn.shtml#push-over>" >> strategy. >> >> >> >> The genius of STAR Voting is that it apparently technically doesn't >> "violate monotonicity", but it is vastly more vulnerable to Push-over than >> IRV which does, as I've explained previously. >> >> I find the question of whether there have been mistakes or exaggerations >> or false claims made by the IRV promoters to be completely irrelevant to, >> and a separate question from, whether its adoption in the US should be >> supported. >> >> Of more concern to me are the details of the ballot rules and >> restrictions. I think it is more democratic for it to be relatively easy to >> get on the ballot so as to allow the voters a wider choice of candidates. I >> understand that typically voters are limited to 7 different "ranking >> levels". Well say there are 9 candidates and my two least-preferred >> candidates are the two front-runners and I have a preference between them. >> If I vote sincerely my vote is just as wasted as if I had voted sincerely >> in FPP. >> >> IRV then doesn't have Clone Independence. One of the main points of >> ranked-ballot versus FPP is to reduce the involuntarily wasted vote as much >> as possible. >> >> If such restrictive ballot rules are unavoidable, then I lose my >> enthusiasm for IRV or Benham in favour of something with a truncation >> incentive (and that is happy with equal-ranking if that isn't a problem for >> the ballot rules) such as Smith//Approval (implicit). >> >> Properly implemented Hare's Compromise incentive is practically nothing >> by comparison with that of FPP, and no-one in Australia notices it. I >> estimate it is also quite a bit weaker than that of STAR. Pushover >> strategy in Hare is relatively difficult and risky in Hare and as far as I >> know it's never been tried in Australia. Whereas STAR is a "festival of >> Push-over" farce/nightmare. >> >> And while (like STAR) it fails Condorcet, it has a solid set of >> "representativeness" criterion compliances that together can be thought of >> as weakened Condorcet and are worth quite a lot. >> >> They are Dominant Coalition (a better stronger version of Mutual Majority >> that so of course implies it) and Dominant Mutual Third and Condorcet >> Loser. STAR only meets the last of those, the weakest. >> >> Chris B. >> >> >> On 29/04/2024 5:08 am, Closed Limelike Curves wrote: >> >> Michael—you're right that it means favorite-burial (cutting the "head" >> off a ballot). The term is quite old, though (older than "favorite >> betrayal" or "favorite burial" I believe) >> <https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0003055400194481/type/journal_article> >> . >> >> On Sun, Apr 28, 2024 at 12:02 PM Michael Ossipoff <email9648742@gmail.com> >> wrote: >> >>> Of course I’m just guessing, but my guess is that “decapitation” is >>> Closed’s new name for favorite-burial. >>> >>> Closed sometimes in invents new names without define them. >>> >>> IRV indeed shares Plurality’s need for favorite-burial >>> defensive-strategy. I don’t like that, & wouldn’t propose IRV. There are a >>> number of places where IRV is (the only electoral reform) up for enactment >>> this year, In spite of that very unlikeable strategy-need, I wanted to >>> help campaign for its enactment, in the hope that the voters who’ve enacted >>> it didn’t do so because they intend to bury their favorite, & so so won’t >>> do so. >>> >>> But, because IRV is being fraudulently sold to them, with intentional >>> lies, we can’t count on how people will vote when they find out about what >>> they’ve enacted…when they find out about the lie. >>> >>> Therefore, regrettably, we shouldn’t support “RCV”. >>> >>> >>> On Sun, Apr 28, 2024 at 11:15 Chris Benham <cbenhamau@yahoo.com.au> >>> wrote: >>> >>>> Limelike, >>>> >>>> Can you please define and explain the "decapitation" strategy? I >>>> haven't heard of it. >>>> >>>> And can you elaborate a bit on this? : >>>> >>>> IRV is a good example of this. It's *usually* not susceptible to >>>> strategy (in the IAC model), but I think of it as one of the most >>>> strategy-afflicted methods on this list. It's vulnerable to some >>>> particularly-egregious strategies (decapitation), ones that are complex or >>>> difficult to explain (pushover), and many strategies [that?] don't have a >>>> simple defensive counterstrategy available (like truncation). >>>> >>>> >>>> Chris B. >>>> >>>> On 29/04/2024 2:31 am, Closed Limelike Curves wrote: >>>> >>>> Hi Kris, thanks for the results! They're definitely interesting. >>>> >>>> That said, I'm not sure how useful a metric raw probabilities provide; >>>> I don't think they provide a very strong measure of how *severely* each >>>> system is affected by strategy. Missing are: >>>> 1. How much do voters have to distort their ballots? Is it just >>>> truncation, compression (as with tied-at-the-top), or full decapitation? >>>> 2. How hard is it to think of the strategy? Counterintuitive strategies >>>> (e.g. randomized strategies or pushover) require large, organized parties >>>> to educate their supporters about how to pull it off. This could be good or >>>> bad depending on if you like institutionalized parties. Good: sometimes >>>> people can't pull it off. Bad: this creates an incentive for strong parties >>>> and partisanship. See the Alaska 2022 Senate race, where Democrats pulled >>>> off a favorite-betrayal in support of Murkowski to avoid a center-squeeze. >>>> 3. Is a counterstrategy available? >>>> 4. How feasible is the strategy (does it involve many or few voters)? >>>> 5. How bad would the effects of the strategy be? Borda is bad not just >>>> because it's often susceptible to strategy, but because it gives turkeys a >>>> solid chance of winning. >>>> >>>> IRV is a good example of this. It's *usually* not susceptible to >>>> strategy (in the IAC model), but I think of it as one of the most >>>> strategy-afflicted methods on this list. It's vulnerable to some >>>> particularly-egregious strategies (decapitation), ones that are complex or >>>> difficult to explain (pushover), and many strategies don't have a simple >>>> defensive counterstrategy available (like truncation). >>>> >>>> A low-probability but occasionally high-impact strategy might be the >>>> worst of both worlds; voters get lulled into a false sense of security by a >>>> few elections where strategy doesn't matter, then suddenly find a candidate >>>> they dislike elected because they failed to execute the appropriate >>>> defensive strategy. >>>> >>>> ---- >>>> Election-Methods mailing list - see https://electorama.com/em for list info >>>> >>>>