MO
Michael Ossipoff
Wed, Nov 23, 2016 1:25 AM
Robert--
http://en.minguo.info/polling_station
This is a big topic, and various issues have been raised. I'd like to
address them all.
First, it's good that you're willing to discuss these voting-system-choice
issues, and not shut-out disagreeing opinion. I've been meaning to discuss,
with people of Burlington, replacement alternatives for Plurality & IRV.
There are 2 main issues here:
-
The merit of Approval, vs rank methods.
-
Which rank-method
...(recognizing that activists & organizations & activists prefer
rank-methods, and that some overecompromisers & rival parties are likely to
vote better with rankings than with Approval.)
I feel that #2 is the more practical & important issue. But #1 is important
too, at least partly because of Approval's unmatched easy & entirely
cost-free implementation.
I'll discuss these issues as they come up in this post that I'm replying
to, rather than purposely separate them into separate sections of this
post. But most of this post that I'm replying to is about #1, and so I
guess that will be this reply's main topic.
But, recognizing that people want, and many voters need, a ranking-method,
I definitely want to discuss the choice of a rank-method, as an immediate
practical municipal choice. Probably in an immediately subsequent post.
So I emphasize: However little you like what I say about Approval, don't
shut me out just yet, because I recognize that the choice-of-rank-method
topic is really more important than the Approval-vs-rank topic, and I
intend to address choice-of-rank-method next.
On Tue, Nov 22, 2016 at 2:27 AM, robert bristow-johnson <
rbj@audioimagination.com> wrote:
I don't see any reason why IRV results in the dominance of the two major
parties.
...except that IRV's national track record is one of 2-party dominance.
the national 2-party dominance exists independently of IRV
Where IRV has been used for about a century, including for at least some
state, and probably national, offices, 2-party dominance remains in place.
Returning to discussion about reform in this country:
I'm not saying that IRV can't be any good under any circumstances or
conditions. ...only that it isn't always the best choice.
You wrote:
. in Burlington, we may have a 2-party dominance, but the GOP is not one
of the two. and occasionally a GOP candidate is elected mayor and in 2009
there was a legitimate 3-way (or 4-way if you include an Independent) race
between candidates of whom none were dominant.
[endquote]
The broader contexts that Daniel brought up can't be ignored, and
inevitably come up.. For example, should the method be chosen tailored for
each particular municipality, or, even in municipal reforms, should it be
chosen for usefulness in state & national elections (even though it's much
less likely for democracy to be achieved at state & national level)?
.
(...but Maine's adoption of IRV suggests that maybe state democracy isn't
entirely impossible, even now. Can that be?).
I suggest that, even when choosing a municipal voting-system reform, the
method should be chosen for its usefulness at state and national level,
because those levels are where the most broadly-important decisions are
made.
That's relevant to this topic, because, nationally, the meaningful choice
is between progressive candidates & parties, vs Republocrat candidates.
Could there be any easier choice? Hence my emphasis on the situation where
the voter has a strong top-set and a strong bottom-set. ...as every
progressive voter does, given the current candidate lineups. And I claim
that the 99% would benefit greatly from a progressive (rather than
Republocrat) government. ...and therefore has a strong top-set and a
strong bottom-set.
(Replying a little farther down) :
The problem that IRV suffers is that sometimes IRV does not elect the
Condorcet Winner and then voters feel that the election failed when a
candidate is elected despite that more voters marked their ballots that
they preferred a specific different candidate. Then this cascades into
other problems like spoiler and later harm..
That well characterizes what happened in Burlington, but IRV doesn't
violate Later-No-Harm. ...or Later-No-Help either.
well, note that there were no caps. i wasn't referring to
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Later-no-harm_criterion but i was
referring to 1500 voters who were promised that they could vote for their
favorite candidate without worrying about helping elect their least
favorite candidate and found out after the election that this was not true.
the promise of IRV had failed. these voters' political interests were
harmed by their expression of their most favorite candidate.
I see what you mean. Yes, certainly. Everywhere where Richie & his FairVote
promoted IRV, most likely those same false promises were made, and IRV's
problems were concealed.
Some of us have been trying to explain to Rob Richie, over the past 30
years, IRV's problem. Over that time, we've been telling Richie about the
very problem that happened in Burlngton. He can't say he hadn't heard about
it or didn't know about it.
IRV is a good method. But don't advocate or adopt it unless you
accept and want its problem, and its unique offering and tradeoffs. IRV
isn't for everyone.
no, no, no, no...
we don't go to the general public and say that. we, instead, try to
deliver to them a means of electing a candidate out of a field of many, in
such a way that, given one-person-one-vote weighting, these voters are
relieved of worry about "understanding" how using or failing to use
tactics will harm their political interests.
that's what you don't get, Mike.
No, I agree completely.
My goal at EM has been to emphasize the importance of making voting easy
(less strategic difficulty), and making sincerity safe.
There's good reason to believe that, just as you said, IRV doesn't fill the
bill.
I don't advocate IRV, and I wouldn't include it in a multi-method proposal.
[Replying a little farther down] :
In Burlington, you repealed it because you didn't like its elimination
CWv. Then why did you adopt it???
You didn't know that it could do that?
Did FairVote assure you that it would never happen?
yes, FairVote assured the citizens of Burlington that they could vote for
their favorite candidate without worry of electing their least favorite
candidate. but 1500 voters for the GOP (that also hated the Prog) found
out that they could have prevented the election of the Prog had they
insincerely elevated the Dem to first choice. but that would not have
happened with Condorcet.
As I mentioned above, we've been explaining about that to Rob Richie for
the past 30 years. Could have have not known about it? So: ignorance, or
intentional concealment?
Part of the "gobbledigook" is about IRV's mitigations, which admittedly
aren't relevant to this discussion, because I don't advocate IRV, and
because there's no way that Burlington would want IRV.
But part of it is about Condoret's favorite-burial need, for some
overcompromising voters.
Also, it might be in that section that I described how Condorcet could meet
FBC (and thus not have that favorite-burial need). ...and offered two rank
methods that meet FBC and don't have a chicken-dilemma problem (Condorcet
has chicken dilemma, as does Approval).
You're of course not obligated to reply to any of that, but Condorcet's
favorite-burial need is there. And the offer of a way to bring FBC to
Condorcet is there, and so is the offer of two rank methods that meet FBC
and don't have a chicken-dilemma problem.
(Those two methods are Simmons ( MDDA(pt/2) ) and MMPO(pt/2).
...and also Kevin Venzke's IC, MMPO , bringing it to 3 methods)
It's a mistake to assume that Condorcet is really free of strategy.
Maybe I should say something here about ordinary Condorcet's
favorite-burial need:
Say that you top-rank Compromise, and 2nd-rank Favorite. Compromise is
going to win as CWv (voted CW).
But then you (and a few other voters who vote like you) decide to rank
Favorite at top, along with Compromise.
Oops!
By voting Compromise over favorite, you had been keeping Favorite from
pair-beating Compromise. But now that you've moved Favorite to top, you're
no longer voting Comprmise over favorite. Now Compromise pairwise-beats
favorite. It happens that Worst pairwise-beats Compromise, and that Worst
is the winner of the resulting cycle.
By moving Favorite to the top with Compromise, you've changed the winner
from Compromise to Worst.
Something similar can happen if, instead of winning as CW, Compromise was
merely winning in a cycle, by having the lowest margin-against, if the
method is Condorcet(margins). By no longer ranking Favorite over
Compromise, you could spoil that win too, by decreasing the Favorite >
Compromise total, thereby increasing the margin by which Compromise
pairbeats Favorite, giving Compromise now a higher margin-against than
Worst has.
These scenarios can happen only if there's a sincere cycle.
That's because:
If Compromise were the CWs (sincere CW), then your sincere ranking
obviously can't hurt her win as CWv.
If someone else is CWs, then, in Condorcet(wv) the only way you could
chanage the winner from hir to Compromise would be by burial. (In
Condorcet(margins) you could do it by truncation.)
So there has to be a cycle.
Sincere cycles are evidently rare (at least in the current (probably
inauthentic) political system. Maybe in an authentic political system (one
free of media disinformation and count-fraud) there wouldn't be a
1-dimensional political spectrum, and cycles wouldn't be unusual.
Anyway, there are insincere cycles too. Strategic cycles. Burial strategy
is by no means out of the question. Burial will make a cycle...like the one
that Condorcet's FBC failure needs.
We've discussed, on EM, how you can protect the CWs from burial (in wv or
margins) by moving that CWs up to 1st-place. But, if not enough people do
that, then you could need to rank the CWs over your favorite, to prevent
successful burial of the CWs under your favorite.
Yes, if the method is Condorcet(wv) (but not Condorcet(margins), the burial
can likewise be thwarted (& penalized) if the people who prefer the CWs to
the buriers' candidate refuse to rank the buriers' candidate.
Of course then they need to know or guess who's the CWs, and who's going to
bury. Yes, that's predictive information. Their defensive of the CWs is
tactical strategy that depends on good predictive information.
If you're going to use Condorcet, then you'd better be good at tactical
strategy, and have good predictive information.
(Well, admittedly, the fact that you'll truncate the (guessed) buriers'
candidate if you prefer the (guessed) CWs to hir can (but might not) deter
burial, because the would-be buriers don't have better predictive
information than you do.)
But, if the expected or evident CWs (CWse) is in the would-be buriers'
bottom-set, then they don't really care if their burial is penalized by the
election of a different (negligibly worse) bottom-set member.
What happens then? A burial-fest resembling a sharks' feeding-frenzy. I
call it the "perpetual burial fiasco".
'Round about that time, you'd be wishing that the election were an Approval
election.
Let's not kid ourselves that Condorcet is free of strategy.
So:
You can change the winner from Compromise to Worst by moving Favorite to
top alongside Compromise. ...but also especially more likely by ranking
Favorite over Compromise.
As I said, burial strategy isn't out of the question, and the need to vote
insincerely, as described above, isn't out of the question either.
That's why some of us offer ranking-methods that meet FBC.
That's why IC Condorcet is offered, to bring FBC to Condorcet.
For instance, IC Condorcet could consist of IC RP.
RP(wv) is much better than RC(margins), because RC(wv) is completely
truncation-proof, whereas RC(margins) leaves the CWs completely vulnerable
to truncation, whether strategic or innocent.
Also, RP(margins) loses FBC in more scenarios than does RC(wv).
Steve Eppley's MAM is just RC(wv) with Steve's clever way of avoiding some
problems and meeting more criteria in small electorates.
So, if you insist on Condorcet (and are therefore willing to give up
chicken-dilemma protection), then consider IC MAM.
The version of Condorcet Criterion that IC MAM meets is arguably better and
more meaningful than the ordinary Condorcet Criterion.
...but while IC Condorcet meets FBC, it still has chicken-dilemma, as does
Approval.
So we offer MDDA(pt/2), MMPO(pt/2), and IC,MMPO.
...which meet FBC and don't have a chicken-dilemma problem.
[Replying a little farther down] :
Approve only your favorite if you insist on voting tactically (based on
predictive information) and if it looks as if your favorite has a win.
Is that a problem to you?
what predictive information?? the polls??? have you learned nothing
in the last two weeks?
There was nothing for me to learn in the past 2 weeks, because what
happened in the past 2 weeks exemplifies what I've been saying all along.
You haven't been reading my postings, or you'd know that I'm the one who
has been saying that the media's intentionally disinformational predictive
information is no good.
So, in Approval, forget all about tactical voting and predictive
information.
I said, "Just vote (only) for your strong top-set".
By the definition of the strong top-set, electing from it, instead of your
strong bottom-set, is incomparably more important than the matter of
which strong top-set wins.
And, if you insist on trying to choose among your strong top-set, then you
increase the probability of electing from your strong bottom-set.
And if you don't have strong top & bottom sets? You do, in our state &
national elections (the elections that most matter), at least in our
current, probably phony, political system.
Likely, in a better world, the kind that has honest media and
vote-counting, your bottom-set candidates & parties would no longer be in
the elections. The bottom-set is likely an artifact of a phony political
system.
But, if you didn't have strong top & bottom sets, then what?
Then, maybe, under those conditions we'd have honest media, and good
predictive information, for one thing. ...on which to base good tactical
expectation-maximizing strategy.
But what if there were no strong top & bottom sets, and also there were no
good predictive information?
-
Look, if it's difficult to decide what set of candidates you consider
top-set, the better set that deserves approval, then it doesn't make a
whole lot of difference how you choose between those sets that you're
indifferent between. So don't worry about it. If all the candidates are so
good that there's no strong bottom-set, then just be glad of that, and take
your best guess for your approval-set, because it doesn't matter much under
those conditions.
-
That said, there's a way to make an especially good guess: There's
0-info expectation-maximizing strategy. ...but only if you want to use
it. I emphasize that you needn't bother with it. It's only for people who
like strategy and want to use it (though they don't need to), to make their
best guess. But one guess is reallly as good as another when you're
basically indifferent between the various possible approval-sets.
But there's no reason to believe that media disinformation, & media
exclusion of candidates & policy-solutions other than those of the 1% are
the only tactic in use. With our unverifiable vote-count, and the plentiful
evidence of presidential election count-fraud in 2000 & 2004, there's no
reason to believe that count-fraud isn't a main routine tactic of our
rulers.
I mean, given all the mass killing that the 1% (or less) ruling-families &
their employees don't mind doing to gain more power & more wealth, does
anyone think that they'd be willing to let themselves be voted out of
office, or to take any chance of that? Why should they leave anything to
chance, or to us voters? Count-fraud, at least whenever needed, is an
obvious part of their optimal strategy.
You wrote:
voters shouldn't have to worry about "predictive information" in casting
their vote. they should not have to face tactical voting in the polls in
any common case.
Exactly. That's one reason why like Approval, and why I agree with David
that it's the best method (except that chicken-dilemma protected methods do
bring some improvement).
I discussed that in more detail a few paragraphs above, in my previous long
comment just before this one.
This posting is already long, so I'll just post it now, as Part 1.
Part 2 will follow, tomorrow.
I re-emphasize, don't shut me out just yet, because I recognize that the
discussion of the choice between ranking-methods is more important than the
discussion of Approval vs ranking. ...and my post on the choice between
ranking-methods will follow the replies to the posting that I'm now
replying to.
Michael Ossipoff
(This concludes Part 1 of this reply. Part 2 of this reply will be along
tomorrow morning.)
(I don't have a convenient way to delete text, but all of this postings
replies are above this point).
Ii suggest that if you're a progressive, then there are a large set of
candidates whom you so much prefer to the alternatives, that your best
strategy is to approve them all.
that is not the fact. how can you tell that to a naive voter, "just
approve them all"???
Voters don't want their second-choice to beat their first-choice. How do
they stop that from happening? (By bullet-voting their first choice, and
that devolves Approval into Plurality.)
You're worrying too much about voting among the best candidates.
the voter shouldn't have to worry AT ALL. let the voter just inform the
poll what their contingency votes are.
If
there's a set of candidates who are qualitatively the best, incomparably
better than the rest, then your best strategy is to maximize the
probability that one of them will win. That doesn't include voting
them. Just vote for them.
and maybe the voter will find out they helped their less-preferred
candidate beat their more-preferred candidate. sure, that'll make the
voter feel like their vote is effective!
In any case, I don't recommend tactical voting (voting based on
information)...partly because the corporate mass-media's predictive
information is disinformational,
no shit. but that still does nothing to relieve the voter of the tactical
pressure because they want their favorite candidate to win, they don't
want their contingency candidate to beat their favorite. but they also
want their contingency candidate to beat their most-hated candidate if the
election comes down to that. Approval does nothing to help them
express that contingency.
in the service of the people who "own" the
mass media.
...but also partly because it's most to your advantage to just approve
whole set of candidates that's qualitatively, incomparably, better than
alternatives. ...to maximize the probability that one of that strong
top-set will win.
(But until we have verifiable vote-counting, of course the voting system
irrelevant, as is the voting.)
totally different topic. (everyone should adopt optical-scan paper
ballots.)
precinct summability is necessary. IRV and Bucklin don't have it, but
Condorcet (as well as Plurality) do have it.
Equal-rank approval votes mean
voters don't get the option to express their preferred ranking, but
of that, they aren't at all motivated to bias their ranking
That's baloney. They may very-well not Approve of their second-choice
candidate (whom they do actually approve of) to protect their
If they strongly approve of their 2nd choice, but not their 3rd choice,
then they'll approve their 2nd choice.
unless they worry about their 2nd choice beating their 1st choice.
In our actual candidate lineup, the
merit differences among the progressives are negligible in comparison to
the big gulf of a merit difference between them and the Republocrats.
Don't worry about it so much. Just approve all of the best.
you're repeated assurances are hollow. just like Rob Richie.
They only have to decide which candidates to approve, or where the
is between approval and disapproval.
No. That is a falsehood.
They have to consider whether or not their second-choice candidate has a
chance of beating their first-choice. And they have to consider whether
not their third-choice has a chance of beating either their
or their first-choice. And then they have to decide if that risk is
it to Approve their second or third choices.
No, they don't have to do any of that. They don't have to try to vote
tactically.
bullshit. you have no right to tell a voter what his or her interests
are. they may have to consider voting tactically because they want
their favorite candidate to win. but, if their favorite is a poor showing,
they also don't want their contingency candidate to lose to their hated
candidate.
telling them "You don't have to try to vote tactically" is hollow. it's
like saying "Don't worry. Any of the candidates are okay."
Partly because there's no reliable information on which to base
tactical voting,
which is just one reason we should relieve voters of that burden.
tactical voting is not a perk. it's a burden. no one feels good
about it.
and partly because their best strategy is just to approve
all of the set that is incomparably, qualitatively better than the other
candidates.
says YOU.
you cannot tell voters what their best strategy is and they find out later
that following your glib assurance screwed them. that is what FairVote did
with Burlington and there was a city that was quite pissed. we called it
the "IRV Happy Talk".
you are no authority to advise voters what their best strategy is. the
best we can do is give them an voting system that normally requires no
strategy of voters nor benefits voters from using strategy. after a few
generations, Duverger's Law will be forgotten and they can confidently
simply vote their political expression.
I think most of your gushing for Approval voting is not well-founded.
if the voter prefers Candidate A as their favorite, but suspects that
Candidate B and Candidate C are the leading candidates? How should that
voter vote with an Approval ballot? Please answer that question with
specifics.
[endquote]
We'd need better "specifics" about the situation that you've incompletely
described. It depends on how much you like A better than B & C, and how
much you like A & B better than C.
NO, we DON'T. that is your failure. you cannot force voters to research
these "specifics".
All the voter knows is that he/she prefers A above all others. If he/she
can't get A, then they'll take B. If they can't get A or B, then they'll
settle for C. But this voter really doesn't want to help candidate D at
all. The only ballot that expresses the will of this voter is the Ranked
Ballot. Approval does not gather enough information (forcing the voter to
vote tactically) and Score requires too much information (also forcing the
voter to score tactically). With the exceptions of goofy things coming out
of a cycle (which would be rare), only Condorcet resolves that election in
exactly the same manner as would a Simple Majority race between two
candidates with equal weighting for all voters. Only Condorcet does that.
You don't mention any set's qualitative or incomparable better-ness,and
suggest that there's good predictive information that the winner will be
i am saying the voters should not be required to have "good predictive
information" for them to vote their interests. And no political group
should benefit from "good predictive information". That's the Duverger
issue. It's because, with plurality voting, "good predictive information"
tells voters that one of the two major party candidates is expected to win,
so that their vote for third-party or independent is wasted.
So, if you don't have a strong top or bottom set, and the merit
between your successive choices are uniform, and if there's reliable
predictive information that the winner will be B or C, then of course
approving {A,B} is a good way to vote.
But you DON'T necessarily know that and you shouldn't burden the voter
with that tactical need. They shouldn't have to be thinking "Hmmmm, what
would be a good way to vote to benefit my political interest?" That's your
problem and you do NOTHING to address it.
But in our actual political lineup, the media have people believing that
there are 2 parties that always must and will win. Say your favorite is
Jill Stein, and that the other 2 candidates are Hillary & Donald. You're
told that only Hillary &I Donald are well-liked by everyone enough so
one of those two beloved and popular candidates is sure to win.
For one thing, you should find something fishy about such a claim,
You are expecting too much from voters. Voting should not be a political
science exam. It's a service to voters, not a burden for voters.
Or at least it should be.
given
what is known about those 2 candidates being the most despised
candidates in this country's history.
For another thing, the merit of Jill is so much greater than that of
Hillary or Donald that, no matter what your'e told or believe about
predictive information, your best strategy is to vote for the only
acceptable, honest and progressive, genuinely pro-people candidate.
That latter interpretation of your scenario is the one that you probably
intended, because it's the one that actually obtains in elections here.
with your own words, you are making it clear that voters will have to
explicitly consider strategy when voting in an Approval system.
Again, you cannot simply answer the question: "What should the voter do
with their second-favorite candidate?"
With Ranked-Choice Voting, the answer is clear (they mark their
second-favorite with a "2").
With Approval Voting, the voter has a tactical burden deciding whether or
not to approve their second-choice. And with Score Voting, the voter has a
tactical burden deciding how much to score their second-choice.
Mike, you did nothing but verify my objections to Approval voting for
governmental elections.
--
r b-j rbj@audioimagination.com
"Imagination is more important than knowledge."
Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info
Robert--
http://en.minguo.info/polling_station
This is a big topic, and various issues have been raised. I'd like to
address them all.
First, it's good that you're willing to discuss these voting-system-choice
issues, and not shut-out disagreeing opinion. I've been meaning to discuss,
with people of Burlington, replacement alternatives for Plurality & IRV.
There are 2 main issues here:
1. The merit of Approval, vs rank methods.
2. Which rank-method
...(recognizing that activists & organizations & activists prefer
rank-methods, and that some overecompromisers & rival parties are likely to
vote better with rankings than with Approval.)
I feel that #2 is the more practical & important issue. But #1 is important
too, at least partly because of Approval's unmatched easy & entirely
cost-free implementation.
I'll discuss these issues as they come up in this post that I'm replying
to, rather than purposely separate them into separate sections of this
post. But most of this post that I'm replying to is about #1, and so I
guess that will be this reply's main topic.
But, recognizing that people want, and many voters need, a ranking-method,
I definitely want to discuss the choice of a rank-method, as an immediate
practical municipal choice. Probably in an immediately subsequent post.
So I emphasize: However little you like what I say about Approval, don't
shut me out just yet, because I recognize that the choice-of-rank-method
topic is really more important than the Approval-vs-rank topic, and I
intend to address choice-of-rank-method next.
On Tue, Nov 22, 2016 at 2:27 AM, robert bristow-johnson <
rbj@audioimagination.com> wrote:
> >>
> >> I don't see any reason why IRV results in the dominance of the two major
> >> parties.
> >>
> >
> > ...except that IRV's national track record is one of 2-party dominance.
> >
>
> the national 2-party dominance exists independently of IRV
>
Where IRV has been used for about a century, including for at least some
state, and probably national, offices, 2-party dominance remains in place.
Returning to discussion about reform in this country:
I'm not saying that IRV can't be any good under any circumstances or
conditions. ...only that it isn't always the best choice.
You wrote:
. in Burlington, we may have a 2-party dominance, but the GOP is not one
of the two. and occasionally a GOP candidate is elected mayor and in 2009
there was a legitimate 3-way (or 4-way if you include an Independent) race
between candidates of whom none were dominant.
[endquote]
The broader contexts that Daniel brought up can't be ignored, and
inevitably come up.. For example, should the method be chosen tailored for
each particular municipality, or, even in municipal reforms, should it be
chosen for usefulness in state & national elections (even though it's much
less likely for democracy to be achieved at state & national level)?
.
(...but Maine's adoption of IRV suggests that maybe state democracy isn't
entirely impossible, even now. Can that be?).
I suggest that, even when choosing a municipal voting-system reform, the
method should be chosen for its usefulness at state and national level,
because those levels are where the most broadly-important decisions are
made.
That's relevant to this topic, because, nationally, the meaningful choice
is between progressive candidates & parties, vs Republocrat candidates.
Could there be any easier choice? Hence my emphasis on the situation where
the voter has a strong top-set and a strong bottom-set. ...as every
progressive voter does, given the current candidate lineups. And I claim
that the 99% would benefit greatly from a progressive (rather than
Republocrat) government. ...and therefore has a strong top-set and a
strong bottom-set.
(Replying a little farther down) :
>
> >> The problem that IRV suffers is that sometimes IRV does not elect the
> >> Condorcet Winner and then voters feel that the election failed when a
> >> candidate is elected despite that more voters marked their ballots that
> >> they preferred a specific different candidate. Then this cascades into
> >> other problems like spoiler and later harm..
> >>
> >
> > That well characterizes what happened in Burlington, but IRV doesn't
> > violate Later-No-Harm. ...or Later-No-Help either.
>
> well, note that there were no caps. i wasn't referring to
> https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Later-no-harm_criterion but i *was*
> referring to 1500 voters who were promised that they could vote for their
> favorite candidate without worrying about helping elect their least
> favorite candidate and found out after the election that this was not true.
> the promise of IRV had failed. these voters' political interests were
> harmed by their expression of their most favorite candidate.
>
I see what you mean. Yes, certainly. Everywhere where Richie & his FairVote
promoted IRV, most likely those same false promises were made, and IRV's
problems were concealed.
Some of us have been trying to explain to Rob Richie, over the past 30
years, IRV's problem. Over that time, we've been telling Richie about the
very problem that happened in Burlngton. He can't say he hadn't heard about
it or didn't know about it.
> > IRV is a good method. But don't advocate or adopt it unless you
> understand,
> > accept and want its problem, and its unique offering and tradeoffs. IRV
> > isn't for everyone.
>
> no, no, no, no...
>
> we don't go to the general public and say that. we, instead, try to
> deliver to them a means of electing a candidate out of a field of many, in
> such a way that, given one-person-one-vote weighting, these voters are
> **relieved** of worry about "understanding" how using or failing to use
> tactics will harm their political interests.
>
> that's what you don't get, Mike.
>
No, I agree completely.
My goal at EM has been to emphasize the importance of making voting easy
(less strategic difficulty), and making sincerity safe.
There's good reason to believe that, just as you said, IRV doesn't fill the
bill.
I don't advocate IRV, and I wouldn't include it in a multi-method proposal.
[Replying a little farther down] :
>
>
>
> >
> > In Burlington, you repealed it because you didn't like its elimination
> of a
> > CWv. Then why did you adopt it???
>
>
>
> > You didn't know that it could do that?
> > Did FairVote assure you that it would never happen?
>
> yes, FairVote assured the citizens of Burlington that they could vote for
> their favorite candidate without worry of electing their least favorite
> candidate. but 1500 voters for the GOP (that also hated the Prog) found
> out that they could have prevented the election of the Prog had they
> insincerely elevated the Dem to first choice. but that would not have
> happened with Condorcet.
>
As I mentioned above, we've been explaining about that to Rob Richie for
the past 30 years. Could have have not known about it? So: ignorance, or
intentional concealment?
> <<gobbledigook deleted>>
>
Part of the "gobbledigook" is about IRV's mitigations, which admittedly
aren't relevant to this discussion, because I don't advocate IRV, and
because there's no way that Burlington would want IRV.
But part of it is about Condoret's favorite-burial need, for some
overcompromising voters.
Also, it might be in that section that I described how Condorcet could meet
FBC (and thus not have that favorite-burial need). ...and offered two rank
methods that meet FBC and don't have a chicken-dilemma problem (Condorcet
has chicken dilemma, as does Approval).
You're of course not obligated to reply to any of that, but Condorcet's
favorite-burial need is there. And the offer of a way to bring FBC to
Condorcet is there, and so is the offer of two rank methods that meet FBC
and don't have a chicken-dilemma problem.
(Those two methods are Simmons ( MDDA(pt/2) ) and MMPO(pt/2).
...and also Kevin Venzke's IC, MMPO , bringing it to 3 methods)
It's a mistake to assume that Condorcet is really free of strategy.
Maybe I should say something here about ordinary Condorcet's
favorite-burial need:
Say that you top-rank Compromise, and 2nd-rank Favorite. Compromise is
going to win as CWv (voted CW).
But then you (and a few other voters who vote like you) decide to rank
Favorite at top, along with Compromise.
Oops!
By voting Compromise over favorite, you had been keeping Favorite from
pair-beating Compromise. But now that you've moved Favorite to top, you're
no longer voting Comprmise over favorite. Now Compromise pairwise-beats
favorite. It happens that Worst pairwise-beats Compromise, and that Worst
is the winner of the resulting cycle.
By moving Favorite to the top with Compromise, you've changed the winner
from Compromise to Worst.
Something similar can happen if, instead of winning as CW, Compromise was
merely winning in a cycle, by having the lowest margin-against, if the
method is Condorcet(margins). By no longer ranking Favorite over
Compromise, you could spoil that win too, by decreasing the Favorite >
Compromise total, thereby increasing the margin by which Compromise
pairbeats Favorite, giving Compromise now a higher margin-against than
Worst has.
These scenarios can happen only if there's a sincere cycle.
That's because:
If Compromise were the CWs (sincere CW), then your sincere ranking
obviously can't hurt her win as CWv.
If someone else is CWs, then, in Condorcet(wv) the only way you could
chanage the winner from hir to Compromise would be by burial. (In
Condorcet(margins) you could do it by truncation.)
So there has to be a cycle.
Sincere cycles are evidently rare (at least in the current (probably
inauthentic) political system. Maybe in an authentic political system (one
free of media disinformation and count-fraud) there wouldn't be a
1-dimensional political spectrum, and cycles wouldn't be unusual.
Anyway, there are insincere cycles too. Strategic cycles. Burial strategy
is by no means out of the question. Burial will make a cycle...like the one
that Condorcet's FBC failure needs.
We've discussed, on EM, how you can protect the CWs from burial (in wv or
margins) by moving that CWs up to 1st-place. But, if not enough people do
that, then you could need to rank the CWs over your favorite, to prevent
successful burial of the CWs under your favorite.
Yes, if the method is Condorcet(wv) (but not Condorcet(margins), the burial
can likewise be thwarted (& penalized) if the people who prefer the CWs to
the buriers' candidate refuse to rank the buriers' candidate.
Of course then they need to know or guess who's the CWs, and who's going to
bury. Yes, that's predictive information. Their defensive of the CWs is
tactical strategy that depends on good predictive information.
If you're going to use Condorcet, then you'd better be good at tactical
strategy, and have good predictive information.
(Well, admittedly, the fact that you'll truncate the (guessed) buriers'
candidate if you prefer the (guessed) CWs to hir can (but might not) deter
burial, because the would-be buriers don't have better predictive
information than you do.)
But, if the expected or evident CWs (CWse) is in the would-be buriers'
bottom-set, then they don't really care if their burial is penalized by the
election of a different (negligibly worse) bottom-set member.
What happens then? A burial-fest resembling a sharks' feeding-frenzy. I
call it the "perpetual burial fiasco".
'Round about that time, you'd be wishing that the election were an Approval
election.
Let's not kid ourselves that Condorcet is free of strategy.
So:
You can change the winner from Compromise to Worst by moving Favorite to
top alongside Compromise. ...but also especially more likely by ranking
Favorite over Compromise.
As I said, burial strategy isn't out of the question, and the need to vote
insincerely, as described above, isn't out of the question either.
That's why some of us offer ranking-methods that meet FBC.
That's why IC Condorcet is offered, to bring FBC to Condorcet.
For instance, IC Condorcet could consist of IC RP.
RP(wv) is much better than RC(margins), because RC(wv) is completely
truncation-proof, whereas RC(margins) leaves the CWs completely vulnerable
to truncation, whether strategic or innocent.
Also, RP(margins) loses FBC in more scenarios than does RC(wv).
Steve Eppley's MAM is just RC(wv) with Steve's clever way of avoiding some
problems and meeting more criteria in small electorates.
So, if you insist on Condorcet (and are therefore willing to give up
chicken-dilemma protection), then consider IC MAM.
The version of Condorcet Criterion that IC MAM meets is arguably better and
more meaningful than the ordinary Condorcet Criterion.
...but while IC Condorcet meets FBC, it still has chicken-dilemma, as does
Approval.
So we offer MDDA(pt/2), MMPO(pt/2), and IC,MMPO.
...which meet FBC and don't have a chicken-dilemma problem.
[Replying a little farther down] :
> > Approve only your favorite if you insist on voting tactically (based on
> > predictive information) and if it looks as if your favorite has a win.
> >
> > Is that a problem to you?
>
> **what** predictive information?? the polls??? have you learned nothing
> in the last two weeks?
>
There was nothing for me to learn in the past 2 weeks, because what
happened in the past 2 weeks exemplifies what I've been saying all along.
You haven't been reading my postings, or you'd know that I'm the one who
has been saying that the media's intentionally disinformational predictive
information is no good.
So, in Approval, forget all about tactical voting and predictive
information.
I said, "Just vote (only) for your strong top-set".
By the definition of the strong top-set, electing from it, instead of your
strong bottom-set, is incomparably more important than the matter of
_which_ strong top-set wins.
And, if you insist on trying to choose among your strong top-set, then you
increase the probability of electing from your strong bottom-set.
And if you don't have strong top & bottom sets? You do, in our state &
national elections (the elections that most matter), at least in our
current, probably phony, political system.
Likely, in a better world, the kind that has honest media and
vote-counting, your bottom-set candidates & parties would no longer be in
the elections. The bottom-set is likely an artifact of a phony political
system.
But, if you didn't have strong top & bottom sets, then what?
Then, maybe, under those conditions we'd have honest media, and good
predictive information, for one thing. ...on which to base good tactical
expectation-maximizing strategy.
But what if there were no strong top & bottom sets, and also there were no
good predictive information?
1. Look, if it's difficult to decide what set of candidates you consider
top-set, the better set that deserves approval, then it doesn't make a
whole lot of difference how you choose between those sets that you're
indifferent between. So don't worry about it. If all the candidates are so
good that there's no strong bottom-set, then just be glad of that, and take
your best guess for your approval-set, because it doesn't matter much under
those conditions.
2. That said, there's a way to make an especially good guess: There's
0-info expectation-maximizing strategy. ...but only if you want to use
it. I emphasize that you needn't bother with it. It's only for people who
like strategy and want to use it (though they don't need to), to make their
best guess. But one guess is reallly as good as another when you're
basically indifferent between the various possible approval-sets.
But there's no reason to believe that media disinformation, & media
exclusion of candidates & policy-solutions other than those of the 1% are
the only tactic in use. With our unverifiable vote-count, and the plentiful
evidence of presidential election count-fraud in 2000 & 2004, there's no
reason to believe that count-fraud isn't a main routine tactic of our
rulers.
I mean, given all the mass killing that the 1% (or less) ruling-families &
their employees don't mind doing to gain more power & more wealth, does
anyone think that they'd be willing to let themselves be voted out of
office, or to take any chance of that? Why should they leave anything to
chance, or to us voters? Count-fraud, at least whenever needed, is an
obvious part of their optimal strategy.
You wrote:
> voters shouldn't have to worry about "predictive information" in casting
> their vote. they should not have to face tactical voting in the polls in
> any common case.
>
Exactly. That's one reason why like Approval, and why I agree with David
that it's the best method (except that chicken-dilemma protected methods do
bring some improvement).
I discussed that in more detail a few paragraphs above, in my previous long
comment just before this one.
This posting is already long, so I'll just post it now, as Part 1.
Part 2 will follow, tomorrow.
I re-emphasize, don't shut me out just yet, because I recognize that the
discussion of the choice between ranking-methods is more important than the
discussion of Approval vs ranking. ...and my post on the choice between
ranking-methods will follow the replies to the posting that I'm now
replying to.
Michael Ossipoff
(This concludes Part 1 of this reply. Part 2 of this reply will be along
tomorrow morning.)
(I don't have a convenient way to delete text, but all of this postings
replies are above this point).
>
>
>
>
> >
> > Ii suggest that if you're a progressive, then there are a large set of
> > candidates whom you so much prefer to the alternatives, that your best
> > strategy is to approve them all.
>
> that is not the fact. how can you tell that to a naive voter, "just
> approve them all"???
>
>
>
> >> Voters don't want their second-choice to beat their first-choice. How do
> >> they stop that from happening? (By bullet-voting their first choice, and
> >> that devolves Approval into Plurality.)
> >>
> >
> > You're worrying too much about voting _among_ the best candidates.
>
> the voter shouldn't have to worry AT ALL. let the voter just inform the
> poll what their contingency votes are.
>
>
>
>
>
> >If
> > there's a set of candidates who are qualitatively the best, incomparably
> > better than the rest, then your best strategy is to maximize the
> > probability that one of them will win. That doesn't include voting
> _among_
> > them. Just vote _for_ them.
>
> and maybe the voter will find out they helped their less-preferred
> candidate beat their more-preferred candidate. sure, that'll make the
> voter feel like their vote is effective!
>
>
> > In any case, I don't recommend tactical voting (voting based on
> predictive
> > information)...partly because the corporate mass-media's predictive
> > information is disinformational,
>
> no shit. but that still does nothing to relieve the voter of the tactical
> pressure because they **want** their favorite candidate to win, they don't
> want their contingency candidate to beat their favorite. but they also
> want their contingency candidate to beat their most-hated candidate if the
> election comes down to that. Approval does **nothing** to help them
> express that contingency.
>
> >in the service of the people who "own" the
> > mass media.
> >
> > ...but also partly because it's most to your advantage to just approve
> the
> > whole set of candidates that's qualitatively, incomparably, better than
> the
> > alternatives. ...to maximize the probability that one of that strong
> > top-set will win.
> >
> > (But until we have verifiable vote-counting, of course the voting system
> is
> > irrelevant, as is the voting.)
>
> totally different topic. (everyone should adopt optical-scan paper
> ballots.)
>
> precinct summability is necessary. IRV and Bucklin don't have it, but
> Condorcet (as well as Plurality) do have it.
>
>
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >> > Equal-rank approval votes mean
> >> > voters don't get the option to express their preferred ranking, but
> >> because
> >> > of that, they aren't at all motivated to bias their ranking
> dishonestly.
> >>
> >> That's baloney. They may very-well not Approve of their second-choice
> >> candidate (whom they do actually approve of) to protect their
> first-choice
> >> candidate.
> >>
> > If they strongly approve of their 2nd choice, but not their 3rd choice,
> > then they'll approve their 2nd choice.
>
> unless they worry about their 2nd choice beating their 1st choice.
>
> > In our actual candidate lineup, the
> > merit differences among the progressives are negligible in comparison to
> > the big gulf of a merit difference between them and the Republocrats.
> >
> > Don't worry about it so much. Just approve all of the best.
>
> you're repeated assurances are hollow. just like Rob Richie.
>
>
>
>
> >
> >
> >
> >>
> >> > They only have to decide which candidates to approve, or where the
> >> cut-off
> >> > is between approval and disapproval.
> >>
> >> No. That is a falsehood.
> >>
> >> They have to consider whether or not their second-choice candidate has a
> >> chance of beating their first-choice. And they have to consider whether
> or
> >> not their third-choice has a chance of beating either their
> second-choice
> >> or their first-choice. And then they have to decide if that risk is
> worth
> >> it to Approve their second or third choices.
> >>
> > No, they don't have to do any of that. They don't have to try to vote
> > tactically.
>
> bullshit. you have no right to tell a voter what his or her interests
> are. they **may** have to consider voting tactically because they want
> their favorite candidate to win. but, if their favorite is a poor showing,
> they also don't want their contingency candidate to lose to their hated
> candidate.
>
> telling them "You don't have to try to vote tactically" is hollow. it's
> like saying "Don't worry. Any of the candidates are okay."
>
>
>
> > Partly because there's no reliable information on which to base
> > tactical voting,
>
> which is just one reason we should relieve voters of that burden.
> tactical voting is **not** a perk. it's a burden. no one feels good
> about it.
>
> > and partly because their best strategy is just to approve
> > all of the set that is incomparably, qualitatively better than the other
> > candidates.
>
> says YOU.
>
> you cannot tell voters what their best strategy is and they find out later
> that following your glib assurance screwed them. that is what FairVote did
> with Burlington and there was a city that was quite pissed. we called it
> the "IRV Happy Talk".
>
> you are no authority to advise voters what their best strategy is. the
> best we can do is give them an voting system that normally requires no
> strategy of voters nor benefits voters from using strategy. after a few
> generations, Duverger's Law will be forgotten and they can confidently
> simply vote their political expression.
>
>
> >
> >>
> >>
> >>
> >> Robert says:
> >>
> >
> >
> > I think most of your gushing for Approval voting is not well-founded.
> What
> > if the voter prefers Candidate A as their favorite, but suspects that
> > Candidate B and Candidate C are the leading candidates? How should that
> > voter vote with an Approval ballot? Please answer that question with
> > specifics.
> >
> > [endquote]
> >
> > We'd need better "specifics" about the situation that you've incompletely
> > described. It depends on how much you like A better than B & C, and how
> > much you like A & B better than C.
> >
>
> NO, we DON'T. that is your failure. you cannot force voters to research
> these "specifics".
>
> All the voter knows is that he/she prefers A above all others. If he/she
> can't get A, then they'll take B. If they can't get A or B, then they'll
> settle for C. But this voter really doesn't want to help candidate D at
> all. The only ballot that expresses the will of this voter is the Ranked
> Ballot. Approval does not gather enough information (forcing the voter to
> vote tactically) and Score requires too much information (also forcing the
> voter to score tactically). With the exceptions of goofy things coming out
> of a cycle (which would be rare), only Condorcet resolves that election in
> exactly the same manner as would a Simple Majority race between two
> candidates with equal weighting for all voters. Only Condorcet does that.
>
>
>
> > You don't mention any set's qualitative or incomparable better-ness,and
> you
> > suggest that there's good predictive information that the winner will be
> B
> > or C.
>
> i am saying the voters should not be required to have "good predictive
> information" for them to vote their interests. And no political group
> should benefit from "good predictive information". That's the Duverger
> issue. It's because, with plurality voting, "good predictive information"
> tells voters that one of the two major party candidates is expected to win,
> so that their vote for third-party or independent is wasted.
>
>
> > So, if you don't have a strong top or bottom set, and the merit
> differences
> > between your successive choices are uniform, and if there's reliable
> > predictive information that the winner will be B or C, then of course
> > approving {A,B} is a good way to vote.
>
> But you DON'T necessarily know that and you shouldn't burden the voter
> with that tactical need. They shouldn't have to be thinking "Hmmmm, what
> would be a good way to vote to benefit my political interest?" That's your
> problem and you do NOTHING to address it.
>
>
> > But in our actual political lineup, the media have people believing that
> > there are 2 parties that always must and will win. Say your favorite is
> > Jill Stein, and that the other 2 candidates are Hillary & Donald. You're
> > told that only Hillary &I Donald are well-liked by everyone enough so
> that
> > one of those two beloved and popular candidates is sure to win.
> >
> > For one thing, you should find something fishy about such a claim,
>
> You are expecting too much from voters. Voting should not be a political
> science exam. It's a **service** to voters, not a **burden** for voters.
> Or at least it should be.
>
> > given
> > what is known about those 2 candidates being the most despised
> presidential
> > candidates in this country's history.
> >
> > For another thing, the merit of Jill is so much greater than that of
> > Hillary or Donald that, no matter what your'e told or believe about
> > predictive information, your best strategy is to vote for the only
> > acceptable, honest and progressive, genuinely pro-people candidate.
> >
> > That latter interpretation of your scenario is the one that you probably
> > intended, because it's the one that actually obtains in elections here.
>
> with your own words, you are making it clear that voters will have to
> explicitly consider strategy when voting in an Approval system.
>
> Again, you cannot simply answer the question: "What should the voter do
> with their second-favorite candidate?"
>
> With Ranked-Choice Voting, the answer is clear (they mark their
> second-favorite with a "2").
>
> With Approval Voting, the voter has a tactical burden deciding whether or
> not to approve their second-choice. And with Score Voting, the voter has a
> tactical burden deciding how much to score their second-choice.
>
> Mike, you did nothing but verify my objections to Approval voting for
> governmental elections.
>
>
> --
>
>
>
>
> r b-j rbj@audioimagination.com
>
>
>
>
> "Imagination is more important than knowledge."
>
> ----
> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info
>
>
MO
Michael Ossipoff
Wed, Nov 23, 2016 2:40 AM
In case I seem unfair, in my comparison of Approval & Condorcet, let me
briefly summarize & clarify:
If you have strong top & bottom sets, then, by their definition, using
Approval, and approving (only) all of your strong top-set is optimal. It
can't get any more optimal than that.
If, hypothetically, you have a choice in voting approval-like, top-ranking
your strong top-set, and having that count fully, as in approval, or
sincerely ranking in order to choose among your strong top-set, then you
increase the probability of electing from your bottom-set.
So, sincere ranking with Condorcet helps your strong bottom-set, in
comparison to optimal strategy in Approval.
And, struggling to avoid a strong bottom-set win, when ranking in
Condorcet, you're struggling with inadequate, unreliable predictive
"information", trying to vote tactically. ...in order to minimize how
much more likely you're making the election of someone from your strong
bottom-set.
Non-tactical Approval-voting is a completely different kind of voting, a
completely different paradigm in voting.
And, even if you don't have strong top & bottom sets, and even if there's
no predictive information, making tactical voting impossible (you don't
need it anyway), that's ok too, because if it isn't clear, if you don't
have a strong feeling for one approval-set choice over another, then guess
what: ...it doesn't matter.
Then, in your A>B>C example, if you don't feel any differently about {A,B}
vs C, compared to {A} vs {B,C}, then either is fine. Vote whichever
approval set you want to. If you're indifferent between them, you can flip
a coin.
Either way, you're approving what you want, as nearly as you can judge. And
how could it be any nearer or better than that?
Don't bother with 0-info expectation-maximizing strategy if you don't like
strategy. It isn't necessary.
Just approve what you like.
If you don't have a clear preference between {A,B} vs {C} and {A} vs
{B,C}, than it doesn't matter which you vote.
Michael Ossipoff
On Tue, Nov 22, 2016 at 8:25 PM, Michael Ossipoff email9648742@gmail.com
wrote:
Robert--
http://en.minguo.info/polling_station
This is a big topic, and various issues have been raised. I'd like to
address them all.
First, it's good that you're willing to discuss these voting-system-choice
issues, and not shut-out disagreeing opinion. I've been meaning to discuss,
with people of Burlington, replacement alternatives for Plurality & IRV.
There are 2 main issues here:
-
The merit of Approval, vs rank methods.
-
Which rank-method
...(recognizing that activists & organizations & activists prefer
rank-methods, and that some overecompromisers & rival parties are likely to
vote better with rankings than with Approval.)
I feel that #2 is the more practical & important issue. But #1 is
important too, at least partly because of Approval's unmatched easy &
entirely cost-free implementation.
I'll discuss these issues as they come up in this post that I'm replying
to, rather than purposely separate them into separate sections of this
post. But most of this post that I'm replying to is about #1, and so I
guess that will be this reply's main topic.
But, recognizing that people want, and many voters need, a ranking-method,
I definitely want to discuss the choice of a rank-method, as an immediate
practical municipal choice. Probably in an immediately subsequent post.
So I emphasize: However little you like what I say about Approval, don't
shut me out just yet, because I recognize that the choice-of-rank-method
topic is really more important than the Approval-vs-rank topic, and I
intend to address choice-of-rank-method next.
On Tue, Nov 22, 2016 at 2:27 AM, robert bristow-johnson <
rbj@audioimagination.com> wrote:
I don't see any reason why IRV results in the dominance of the two
...except that IRV's national track record is one of 2-party dominance.
the national 2-party dominance exists independently of IRV
Where IRV has been used for about a century, including for at least some
state, and probably national, offices, 2-party dominance remains in place.
Returning to discussion about reform in this country:
I'm not saying that IRV can't be any good under any circumstances or
conditions. ...only that it isn't always the best choice.
You wrote:
. in Burlington, we may have a 2-party dominance, but the GOP is not one
of the two. and occasionally a GOP candidate is elected mayor and in 2009
there was a legitimate 3-way (or 4-way if you include an Independent) race
between candidates of whom none were dominant.
[endquote]
The broader contexts that Daniel brought up can't be ignored, and
inevitably come up.. For example, should the method be chosen tailored for
each particular municipality, or, even in municipal reforms, should it be
chosen for usefulness in state & national elections (even though it's much
less likely for democracy to be achieved at state & national level)?
.
(...but Maine's adoption of IRV suggests that maybe state democracy isn't
entirely impossible, even now. Can that be?).
I suggest that, even when choosing a municipal voting-system reform, the
method should be chosen for its usefulness at state and national level,
because those levels are where the most broadly-important decisions are
made.
That's relevant to this topic, because, nationally, the meaningful choice
is between progressive candidates & parties, vs Republocrat candidates.
Could there be any easier choice? Hence my emphasis on the situation where
the voter has a strong top-set and a strong bottom-set. ...as every
progressive voter does, given the current candidate lineups. And I claim
that the 99% would benefit greatly from a progressive (rather than
Republocrat) government. ...and therefore has a strong top-set and a
strong bottom-set.
(Replying a little farther down) :
The problem that IRV suffers is that sometimes IRV does not elect the
Condorcet Winner and then voters feel that the election failed when a
candidate is elected despite that more voters marked their ballots that
they preferred a specific different candidate. Then this cascades into
other problems like spoiler and later harm..
That well characterizes what happened in Burlington, but IRV doesn't
violate Later-No-Harm. ...or Later-No-Help either.
well, note that there were no caps. i wasn't referring to
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Later-no-harm_criterion but i was
referring to 1500 voters who were promised that they could vote for their
favorite candidate without worrying about helping elect their least
favorite candidate and found out after the election that this was not true.
the promise of IRV had failed. these voters' political interests were
harmed by their expression of their most favorite candidate.
I see what you mean. Yes, certainly. Everywhere where Richie & his
FairVote promoted IRV, most likely those same false promises were made, and
IRV's problems were concealed.
Some of us have been trying to explain to Rob Richie, over the past 30
years, IRV's problem. Over that time, we've been telling Richie about the
very problem that happened in Burlngton. He can't say he hadn't heard about
it or didn't know about it.
IRV is a good method. But don't advocate or adopt it unless you
accept and want its problem, and its unique offering and tradeoffs. IRV
isn't for everyone.
no, no, no, no...
we don't go to the general public and say that. we, instead, try to
deliver to them a means of electing a candidate out of a field of many, in
such a way that, given one-person-one-vote weighting, these voters are
relieved of worry about "understanding" how using or failing to use
tactics will harm their political interests.
that's what you don't get, Mike.
No, I agree completely.
My goal at EM has been to emphasize the importance of making voting easy
(less strategic difficulty), and making sincerity safe.
There's good reason to believe that, just as you said, IRV doesn't fill
the bill.
I don't advocate IRV, and I wouldn't include it in a multi-method proposal.
[Replying a little farther down] :
In Burlington, you repealed it because you didn't like its elimination
CWv. Then why did you adopt it???
You didn't know that it could do that?
Did FairVote assure you that it would never happen?
yes, FairVote assured the citizens of Burlington that they could vote for
their favorite candidate without worry of electing their least favorite
candidate. but 1500 voters for the GOP (that also hated the Prog) found
out that they could have prevented the election of the Prog had they
insincerely elevated the Dem to first choice. but that would not have
happened with Condorcet.
As I mentioned above, we've been explaining about that to Rob Richie for
the past 30 years. Could have have not known about it? So: ignorance, or
intentional concealment?
Part of the "gobbledigook" is about IRV's mitigations, which admittedly
aren't relevant to this discussion, because I don't advocate IRV, and
because there's no way that Burlington would want IRV.
But part of it is about Condoret's favorite-burial need, for some
overcompromising voters.
Also, it might be in that section that I described how Condorcet could
meet FBC (and thus not have that favorite-burial need). ...and offered two
rank methods that meet FBC and don't have a chicken-dilemma problem
(Condorcet has chicken dilemma, as does Approval).
You're of course not obligated to reply to any of that, but Condorcet's
favorite-burial need is there. And the offer of a way to bring FBC to
Condorcet is there, and so is the offer of two rank methods that meet FBC
and don't have a chicken-dilemma problem.
(Those two methods are Simmons ( MDDA(pt/2) ) and MMPO(pt/2).
...and also Kevin Venzke's IC, MMPO , bringing it to 3 methods)
It's a mistake to assume that Condorcet is really free of strategy.
Maybe I should say something here about ordinary Condorcet's
favorite-burial need:
Say that you top-rank Compromise, and 2nd-rank Favorite. Compromise is
going to win as CWv (voted CW).
But then you (and a few other voters who vote like you) decide to rank
Favorite at top, along with Compromise.
Oops!
By voting Compromise over favorite, you had been keeping Favorite from
pair-beating Compromise. But now that you've moved Favorite to top, you're
no longer voting Comprmise over favorite. Now Compromise pairwise-beats
favorite. It happens that Worst pairwise-beats Compromise, and that Worst
is the winner of the resulting cycle.
By moving Favorite to the top with Compromise, you've changed the winner
from Compromise to Worst.
Something similar can happen if, instead of winning as CW, Compromise was
merely winning in a cycle, by having the lowest margin-against, if the
method is Condorcet(margins). By no longer ranking Favorite over
Compromise, you could spoil that win too, by decreasing the Favorite >
Compromise total, thereby increasing the margin by which Compromise
pairbeats Favorite, giving Compromise now a higher margin-against than
Worst has.
These scenarios can happen only if there's a sincere cycle.
That's because:
If Compromise were the CWs (sincere CW), then your sincere ranking
obviously can't hurt her win as CWv.
If someone else is CWs, then, in Condorcet(wv) the only way you could
chanage the winner from hir to Compromise would be by burial. (In
Condorcet(margins) you could do it by truncation.)
So there has to be a cycle.
Sincere cycles are evidently rare (at least in the current (probably
inauthentic) political system. Maybe in an authentic political system (one
free of media disinformation and count-fraud) there wouldn't be a
1-dimensional political spectrum, and cycles wouldn't be unusual.
Anyway, there are insincere cycles too. Strategic cycles. Burial strategy
is by no means out of the question. Burial will make a cycle...like the one
that Condorcet's FBC failure needs.
We've discussed, on EM, how you can protect the CWs from burial (in wv or
margins) by moving that CWs up to 1st-place. But, if not enough people do
that, then you could need to rank the CWs over your favorite, to prevent
successful burial of the CWs under your favorite.
Yes, if the method is Condorcet(wv) (but not Condorcet(margins), the
burial can likewise be thwarted (& penalized) if the people who prefer the
CWs to the buriers' candidate refuse to rank the buriers' candidate.
Of course then they need to know or guess who's the CWs, and who's going
to bury. Yes, that's predictive information. Their defensive of the CWs is
tactical strategy that depends on good predictive information.
If you're going to use Condorcet, then you'd better be good at tactical
strategy, and have good predictive information.
(Well, admittedly, the fact that you'll truncate the (guessed) buriers'
candidate if you prefer the (guessed) CWs to hir can (but might not) deter
burial, because the would-be buriers don't have better predictive
information than you do.)
But, if the expected or evident CWs (CWse) is in the would-be buriers'
bottom-set, then they don't really care if their burial is penalized by the
election of a different (negligibly worse) bottom-set member.
What happens then? A burial-fest resembling a sharks' feeding-frenzy. I
call it the "perpetual burial fiasco".
'Round about that time, you'd be wishing that the election were an
Approval election.
Let's not kid ourselves that Condorcet is free of strategy.
So:
You can change the winner from Compromise to Worst by moving Favorite to
top alongside Compromise. ...but also especially more likely by ranking
Favorite over Compromise.
As I said, burial strategy isn't out of the question, and the need to vote
insincerely, as described above, isn't out of the question either.
That's why some of us offer ranking-methods that meet FBC.
That's why IC Condorcet is offered, to bring FBC to Condorcet.
For instance, IC Condorcet could consist of IC RP.
RP(wv) is much better than RC(margins), because RC(wv) is completely
truncation-proof, whereas RC(margins) leaves the CWs completely vulnerable
to truncation, whether strategic or innocent.
Also, RP(margins) loses FBC in more scenarios than does RC(wv).
Steve Eppley's MAM is just RC(wv) with Steve's clever way of avoiding some
problems and meeting more criteria in small electorates.
So, if you insist on Condorcet (and are therefore willing to give up
chicken-dilemma protection), then consider IC MAM.
The version of Condorcet Criterion that IC MAM meets is arguably better
and more meaningful than the ordinary Condorcet Criterion.
...but while IC Condorcet meets FBC, it still has chicken-dilemma, as does
Approval.
So we offer MDDA(pt/2), MMPO(pt/2), and IC,MMPO.
...which meet FBC and don't have a chicken-dilemma problem.
[Replying a little farther down] :
Approve only your favorite if you insist on voting tactically (based on
predictive information) and if it looks as if your favorite has a win.
Is that a problem to you?
what predictive information?? the polls??? have you learned nothing
in the last two weeks?
There was nothing for me to learn in the past 2 weeks, because what
happened in the past 2 weeks exemplifies what I've been saying all along.
You haven't been reading my postings, or you'd know that I'm the one who
has been saying that the media's intentionally disinformational predictive
information is no good.
So, in Approval, forget all about tactical voting and predictive
information.
I said, "Just vote (only) for your strong top-set".
By the definition of the strong top-set, electing from it, instead of your
strong bottom-set, is incomparably more important than the matter of
which strong top-set wins.
And, if you insist on trying to choose among your strong top-set, then you
increase the probability of electing from your strong bottom-set.
And if you don't have strong top & bottom sets? You do, in our state &
national elections (the elections that most matter), at least in our
current, probably phony, political system.
Likely, in a better world, the kind that has honest media and
vote-counting, your bottom-set candidates & parties would no longer be in
the elections. The bottom-set is likely an artifact of a phony political
system.
But, if you didn't have strong top & bottom sets, then what?
Then, maybe, under those conditions we'd have honest media, and good
predictive information, for one thing. ...on which to base good tactical
expectation-maximizing strategy.
But what if there were no strong top & bottom sets, and also there were no
good predictive information?
-
Look, if it's difficult to decide what set of candidates you consider
top-set, the better set that deserves approval, then it doesn't make a
whole lot of difference how you choose between those sets that you're
indifferent between. So don't worry about it. If all the candidates are so
good that there's no strong bottom-set, then just be glad of that, and take
your best guess for your approval-set, because it doesn't matter much under
those conditions.
-
That said, there's a way to make an especially good guess: There's
0-info expectation-maximizing strategy. ...but only if you want to use
it. I emphasize that you needn't bother with it. It's only for people who
like strategy and want to use it (though they don't need to), to make their
best guess. But one guess is reallly as good as another when you're
basically indifferent between the various possible approval-sets.
But there's no reason to believe that media disinformation, & media
exclusion of candidates & policy-solutions other than those of the 1% are
the only tactic in use. With our unverifiable vote-count, and the plentiful
evidence of presidential election count-fraud in 2000 & 2004, there's no
reason to believe that count-fraud isn't a main routine tactic of our
rulers.
I mean, given all the mass killing that the 1% (or less) ruling-families &
their employees don't mind doing to gain more power & more wealth, does
anyone think that they'd be willing to let themselves be voted out of
office, or to take any chance of that? Why should they leave anything to
chance, or to us voters? Count-fraud, at least whenever needed, is an
obvious part of their optimal strategy.
You wrote:
voters shouldn't have to worry about "predictive information" in casting
their vote. they should not have to face tactical voting in the polls in
any common case.
Exactly. That's one reason why like Approval, and why I agree with David
that it's the best method (except that chicken-dilemma protected methods do
bring some improvement).
I discussed that in more detail a few paragraphs above, in my previous
long comment just before this one.
This posting is already long, so I'll just post it now, as Part 1.
Part 2 will follow, tomorrow.
I re-emphasize, don't shut me out just yet, because I recognize that the
discussion of the choice between ranking-methods is more important than the
discussion of Approval vs ranking. ...and my post on the choice between
ranking-methods will follow the replies to the posting that I'm now
replying to.
Michael Ossipoff
(This concludes Part 1 of this reply. Part 2 of this reply will be along
tomorrow morning.)
(I don't have a convenient way to delete text, but all of this postings
replies are above this point).
Ii suggest that if you're a progressive, then there are a large set of
candidates whom you so much prefer to the alternatives, that your best
strategy is to approve them all.
that is not the fact. how can you tell that to a naive voter, "just
approve them all"???
Voters don't want their second-choice to beat their first-choice. How
they stop that from happening? (By bullet-voting their first choice,
that devolves Approval into Plurality.)
You're worrying too much about voting among the best candidates.
the voter shouldn't have to worry AT ALL. let the voter just inform the
poll what their contingency votes are.
If
there's a set of candidates who are qualitatively the best, incomparably
better than the rest, then your best strategy is to maximize the
probability that one of them will win. That doesn't include voting
them. Just vote for them.
and maybe the voter will find out they helped their less-preferred
candidate beat their more-preferred candidate. sure, that'll make the
voter feel like their vote is effective!
In any case, I don't recommend tactical voting (voting based on
information)...partly because the corporate mass-media's predictive
information is disinformational,
no shit. but that still does nothing to relieve the voter of the
tactical pressure because they want their favorite candidate to win,
they don't want their contingency candidate to beat their favorite. but
they also want their contingency candidate to beat their most-hated
candidate if the election comes down to that. Approval does nothing to
help them express that contingency.
in the service of the people who "own" the
mass media.
...but also partly because it's most to your advantage to just approve
whole set of candidates that's qualitatively, incomparably, better than
alternatives. ...to maximize the probability that one of that strong
top-set will win.
(But until we have verifiable vote-counting, of course the voting
irrelevant, as is the voting.)
totally different topic. (everyone should adopt optical-scan paper
ballots.)
precinct summability is necessary. IRV and Bucklin don't have it, but
Condorcet (as well as Plurality) do have it.
Equal-rank approval votes mean
voters don't get the option to express their preferred ranking, but
of that, they aren't at all motivated to bias their ranking
That's baloney. They may very-well not Approve of their second-choice
candidate (whom they do actually approve of) to protect their
If they strongly approve of their 2nd choice, but not their 3rd choice,
then they'll approve their 2nd choice.
unless they worry about their 2nd choice beating their 1st choice.
In our actual candidate lineup, the
merit differences among the progressives are negligible in comparison to
the big gulf of a merit difference between them and the Republocrats.
Don't worry about it so much. Just approve all of the best.
you're repeated assurances are hollow. just like Rob Richie.
They only have to decide which candidates to approve, or where the
is between approval and disapproval.
No. That is a falsehood.
They have to consider whether or not their second-choice candidate has
chance of beating their first-choice. And they have to consider
not their third-choice has a chance of beating either their
or their first-choice. And then they have to decide if that risk is
it to Approve their second or third choices.
No, they don't have to do any of that. They don't have to try to vote
tactically.
bullshit. you have no right to tell a voter what his or her interests
are. they may have to consider voting tactically because they want
their favorite candidate to win. but, if their favorite is a poor showing,
they also don't want their contingency candidate to lose to their hated
candidate.
telling them "You don't have to try to vote tactically" is hollow. it's
like saying "Don't worry. Any of the candidates are okay."
Partly because there's no reliable information on which to base
tactical voting,
which is just one reason we should relieve voters of that burden.
tactical voting is not a perk. it's a burden. no one feels good
about it.
and partly because their best strategy is just to approve
all of the set that is incomparably, qualitatively better than the other
candidates.
says YOU.
you cannot tell voters what their best strategy is and they find out
later that following your glib assurance screwed them. that is what
FairVote did with Burlington and there was a city that was quite pissed.
we called it the "IRV Happy Talk".
you are no authority to advise voters what their best strategy is. the
best we can do is give them an voting system that normally requires no
strategy of voters nor benefits voters from using strategy. after a few
generations, Duverger's Law will be forgotten and they can confidently
simply vote their political expression.
I think most of your gushing for Approval voting is not well-founded.
if the voter prefers Candidate A as their favorite, but suspects that
Candidate B and Candidate C are the leading candidates? How should that
voter vote with an Approval ballot? Please answer that question with
specifics.
[endquote]
We'd need better "specifics" about the situation that you've
described. It depends on how much you like A better than B & C, and how
much you like A & B better than C.
NO, we DON'T. that is your failure. you cannot force voters to research
these "specifics".
All the voter knows is that he/she prefers A above all others. If he/she
can't get A, then they'll take B. If they can't get A or B, then they'll
settle for C. But this voter really doesn't want to help candidate D at
all. The only ballot that expresses the will of this voter is the Ranked
Ballot. Approval does not gather enough information (forcing the voter to
vote tactically) and Score requires too much information (also forcing the
voter to score tactically). With the exceptions of goofy things coming out
of a cycle (which would be rare), only Condorcet resolves that election in
exactly the same manner as would a Simple Majority race between two
candidates with equal weighting for all voters. Only Condorcet does that.
You don't mention any set's qualitative or incomparable better-ness,and
suggest that there's good predictive information that the winner will
i am saying the voters should not be required to have "good predictive
information" for them to vote their interests. And no political group
should benefit from "good predictive information". That's the Duverger
issue. It's because, with plurality voting, "good predictive information"
tells voters that one of the two major party candidates is expected to win,
so that their vote for third-party or independent is wasted.
So, if you don't have a strong top or bottom set, and the merit
between your successive choices are uniform, and if there's reliable
predictive information that the winner will be B or C, then of course
approving {A,B} is a good way to vote.
But you DON'T necessarily know that and you shouldn't burden the voter
with that tactical need. They shouldn't have to be thinking "Hmmmm, what
would be a good way to vote to benefit my political interest?" That's your
problem and you do NOTHING to address it.
But in our actual political lineup, the media have people believing that
there are 2 parties that always must and will win. Say your favorite is
Jill Stein, and that the other 2 candidates are Hillary & Donald. You're
told that only Hillary &I Donald are well-liked by everyone enough so
one of those two beloved and popular candidates is sure to win.
For one thing, you should find something fishy about such a claim,
You are expecting too much from voters. Voting should not be a political
science exam. It's a service to voters, not a burden for voters.
Or at least it should be.
given
what is known about those 2 candidates being the most despised
candidates in this country's history.
For another thing, the merit of Jill is so much greater than that of
Hillary or Donald that, no matter what your'e told or believe about
predictive information, your best strategy is to vote for the only
acceptable, honest and progressive, genuinely pro-people candidate.
That latter interpretation of your scenario is the one that you probably
intended, because it's the one that actually obtains in elections here.
with your own words, you are making it clear that voters will have to
explicitly consider strategy when voting in an Approval system.
Again, you cannot simply answer the question: "What should the voter do
with their second-favorite candidate?"
With Ranked-Choice Voting, the answer is clear (they mark their
second-favorite with a "2").
With Approval Voting, the voter has a tactical burden deciding whether or
not to approve their second-choice. And with Score Voting, the voter has a
tactical burden deciding how much to score their second-choice.
Mike, you did nothing but verify my objections to Approval voting for
governmental elections.
--
r b-j rbj@audioimagination.com
"Imagination is more important than knowledge."
Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list
info
In case I seem unfair, in my comparison of Approval & Condorcet, let me
briefly summarize & clarify:
If you have strong top & bottom sets, then, by their definition, using
Approval, and approving (only) all of your strong top-set is optimal. It
can't get any more optimal than that.
If, hypothetically, you have a choice in voting approval-like, top-ranking
your strong top-set, and having that count fully, as in approval, or
sincerely ranking in order to choose _among_ your strong top-set, then you
increase the probability of electing from your bottom-set.
So, sincere ranking with Condorcet helps your strong bottom-set, in
comparison to optimal strategy in Approval.
And, struggling to avoid a strong bottom-set win, when ranking in
Condorcet, you're struggling with inadequate, unreliable predictive
"information", trying to vote tactically. ...in order to minimize how
much more likely you're making the election of someone from your strong
bottom-set.
Non-tactical Approval-voting is a completely different kind of voting, a
completely different paradigm in voting.
And, even if you don't have strong top & bottom sets, and even if there's
no predictive information, making tactical voting impossible (you don't
need it anyway), that's ok too, because if it isn't clear, if you don't
have a strong feeling for one approval-set choice over another, then guess
what: ...it doesn't matter.
Then, in your A>B>C example, if you don't feel any differently about {A,B}
vs C, compared to {A} vs {B,C}, then either is fine. Vote whichever
approval set you want to. If you're indifferent between them, you can flip
a coin.
Either way, you're approving what you want, as nearly as you can judge. And
how could it be any nearer or better than that?
Don't bother with 0-info expectation-maximizing strategy if you don't like
strategy. It isn't necessary.
Just approve what you like.
If you don't have a clear preference between {A,B} vs {C} and {A} vs
{B,C}, than it doesn't matter which you vote.
Michael Ossipoff
On Tue, Nov 22, 2016 at 8:25 PM, Michael Ossipoff <email9648742@gmail.com>
wrote:
> Robert--
>
> http://en.minguo.info/polling_station
>
> This is a big topic, and various issues have been raised. I'd like to
> address them all.
>
> First, it's good that you're willing to discuss these voting-system-choice
> issues, and not shut-out disagreeing opinion. I've been meaning to discuss,
> with people of Burlington, replacement alternatives for Plurality & IRV.
>
> There are 2 main issues here:
>
> 1. The merit of Approval, vs rank methods.
>
> 2. Which rank-method
>
> ...(recognizing that activists & organizations & activists prefer
> rank-methods, and that some overecompromisers & rival parties are likely to
> vote better with rankings than with Approval.)
>
> I feel that #2 is the more practical & important issue. But #1 is
> important too, at least partly because of Approval's unmatched easy &
> entirely cost-free implementation.
>
> I'll discuss these issues as they come up in this post that I'm replying
> to, rather than purposely separate them into separate sections of this
> post. But most of this post that I'm replying to is about #1, and so I
> guess that will be this reply's main topic.
>
> But, recognizing that people want, and many voters need, a ranking-method,
> I definitely want to discuss the choice of a rank-method, as an immediate
> practical municipal choice. Probably in an immediately subsequent post.
>
> So I emphasize: However little you like what I say about Approval, don't
> shut me out just yet, because I recognize that the choice-of-rank-method
> topic is really more important than the Approval-vs-rank topic, and I
> intend to address choice-of-rank-method next.
>
> On Tue, Nov 22, 2016 at 2:27 AM, robert bristow-johnson <
> rbj@audioimagination.com> wrote:
>
>> >>
>> >> I don't see any reason why IRV results in the dominance of the two
>> major
>> >> parties.
>> >>
>> >
>> > ...except that IRV's national track record is one of 2-party dominance.
>> >
>>
>> the national 2-party dominance exists independently of IRV
>>
> Where IRV has been used for about a century, including for at least some
> state, and probably national, offices, 2-party dominance remains in place.
>
> Returning to discussion about reform in this country:
>
> I'm not saying that IRV can't be any good under any circumstances or
> conditions. ...only that it isn't always the best choice.
>
> You wrote:
>
> . in Burlington, we may have a 2-party dominance, but the GOP is not one
> of the two. and occasionally a GOP candidate is elected mayor and in 2009
> there was a legitimate 3-way (or 4-way if you include an Independent) race
> between candidates of whom none were dominant.
>
> [endquote]
>
> The broader contexts that Daniel brought up can't be ignored, and
> inevitably come up.. For example, should the method be chosen tailored for
> each particular municipality, or, even in municipal reforms, should it be
> chosen for usefulness in state & national elections (even though it's much
> less likely for democracy to be achieved at state & national level)?
> .
> (...but Maine's adoption of IRV suggests that maybe state democracy isn't
> entirely impossible, even now. Can that be?).
>
> I suggest that, even when choosing a municipal voting-system reform, the
> method should be chosen for its usefulness at state and national level,
> because those levels are where the most broadly-important decisions are
> made.
>
> That's relevant to this topic, because, nationally, the meaningful choice
> is between progressive candidates & parties, vs Republocrat candidates.
>
> Could there be any easier choice? Hence my emphasis on the situation where
> the voter has a strong top-set and a strong bottom-set. ...as every
> progressive voter does, given the current candidate lineups. And I claim
> that the 99% would benefit greatly from a progressive (rather than
> Republocrat) government. ...and therefore has a strong top-set and a
> strong bottom-set.
>
> (Replying a little farther down) :
>
>
>>
>> >> The problem that IRV suffers is that sometimes IRV does not elect the
>> >> Condorcet Winner and then voters feel that the election failed when a
>> >> candidate is elected despite that more voters marked their ballots that
>> >> they preferred a specific different candidate. Then this cascades into
>> >> other problems like spoiler and later harm..
>> >>
>> >
>> > That well characterizes what happened in Burlington, but IRV doesn't
>> > violate Later-No-Harm. ...or Later-No-Help either.
>>
>> well, note that there were no caps. i wasn't referring to
>> https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Later-no-harm_criterion but i *was*
>> referring to 1500 voters who were promised that they could vote for their
>> favorite candidate without worrying about helping elect their least
>> favorite candidate and found out after the election that this was not true.
>> the promise of IRV had failed. these voters' political interests were
>> harmed by their expression of their most favorite candidate.
>>
>
> I see what you mean. Yes, certainly. Everywhere where Richie & his
> FairVote promoted IRV, most likely those same false promises were made, and
> IRV's problems were concealed.
>
> Some of us have been trying to explain to Rob Richie, over the past 30
> years, IRV's problem. Over that time, we've been telling Richie about the
> very problem that happened in Burlngton. He can't say he hadn't heard about
> it or didn't know about it.
>
>> > IRV is a good method. But don't advocate or adopt it unless you
>> understand,
>> > accept and want its problem, and its unique offering and tradeoffs. IRV
>> > isn't for everyone.
>>
>> no, no, no, no...
>>
>> we don't go to the general public and say that. we, instead, try to
>> deliver to them a means of electing a candidate out of a field of many, in
>> such a way that, given one-person-one-vote weighting, these voters are
>> **relieved** of worry about "understanding" how using or failing to use
>> tactics will harm their political interests.
>>
>> that's what you don't get, Mike.
>>
>
> No, I agree completely.
>
> My goal at EM has been to emphasize the importance of making voting easy
> (less strategic difficulty), and making sincerity safe.
>
> There's good reason to believe that, just as you said, IRV doesn't fill
> the bill.
>
> I don't advocate IRV, and I wouldn't include it in a multi-method proposal.
>
> [Replying a little farther down] :
>
>
>
>>
>>
>>
>> >
>> > In Burlington, you repealed it because you didn't like its elimination
>> of a
>> > CWv. Then why did you adopt it???
>>
>>
>>
>> > You didn't know that it could do that?
>> > Did FairVote assure you that it would never happen?
>>
>> yes, FairVote assured the citizens of Burlington that they could vote for
>> their favorite candidate without worry of electing their least favorite
>> candidate. but 1500 voters for the GOP (that also hated the Prog) found
>> out that they could have prevented the election of the Prog had they
>> insincerely elevated the Dem to first choice. but that would not have
>> happened with Condorcet.
>>
> As I mentioned above, we've been explaining about that to Rob Richie for
> the past 30 years. Could have have not known about it? So: ignorance, or
> intentional concealment?
>
>
>
>> <<gobbledigook deleted>>
>>
>
> Part of the "gobbledigook" is about IRV's mitigations, which admittedly
> aren't relevant to this discussion, because I don't advocate IRV, and
> because there's no way that Burlington would want IRV.
>
> But part of it is about Condoret's favorite-burial need, for some
> overcompromising voters.
>
> Also, it might be in that section that I described how Condorcet could
> meet FBC (and thus not have that favorite-burial need). ...and offered two
> rank methods that meet FBC and don't have a chicken-dilemma problem
> (Condorcet has chicken dilemma, as does Approval).
>
> You're of course not obligated to reply to any of that, but Condorcet's
> favorite-burial need is there. And the offer of a way to bring FBC to
> Condorcet is there, and so is the offer of two rank methods that meet FBC
> and don't have a chicken-dilemma problem.
>
> (Those two methods are Simmons ( MDDA(pt/2) ) and MMPO(pt/2).
> ...and also Kevin Venzke's IC, MMPO , bringing it to 3 methods)
>
> It's a mistake to assume that Condorcet is really free of strategy.
>
> Maybe I should say something here about ordinary Condorcet's
> favorite-burial need:
>
> Say that you top-rank Compromise, and 2nd-rank Favorite. Compromise is
> going to win as CWv (voted CW).
>
> But then you (and a few other voters who vote like you) decide to rank
> Favorite at top, along with Compromise.
>
> Oops!
>
> By voting Compromise over favorite, you had been keeping Favorite from
> pair-beating Compromise. But now that you've moved Favorite to top, you're
> no longer voting Comprmise over favorite. Now Compromise pairwise-beats
> favorite. It happens that Worst pairwise-beats Compromise, and that Worst
> is the winner of the resulting cycle.
>
> By moving Favorite to the top with Compromise, you've changed the winner
> from Compromise to Worst.
>
> Something similar can happen if, instead of winning as CW, Compromise was
> merely winning in a cycle, by having the lowest margin-against, if the
> method is Condorcet(margins). By no longer ranking Favorite over
> Compromise, you could spoil that win too, by decreasing the Favorite >
> Compromise total, thereby increasing the margin by which Compromise
> pairbeats Favorite, giving Compromise now a higher margin-against than
> Worst has.
>
> These scenarios can happen only if there's a sincere cycle.
>
> That's because:
>
> If Compromise were the CWs (sincere CW), then your sincere ranking
> obviously can't hurt her win as CWv.
>
> If someone else is CWs, then, in Condorcet(wv) the only way you could
> chanage the winner from hir to Compromise would be by burial. (In
> Condorcet(margins) you could do it by truncation.)
>
> So there has to be a cycle.
>
> Sincere cycles are evidently rare (at least in the current (probably
> inauthentic) political system. Maybe in an authentic political system (one
> free of media disinformation and count-fraud) there wouldn't be a
> 1-dimensional political spectrum, and cycles wouldn't be unusual.
>
> Anyway, there are insincere cycles too. Strategic cycles. Burial strategy
> is by no means out of the question. Burial will make a cycle...like the one
> that Condorcet's FBC failure needs.
>
> We've discussed, on EM, how you can protect the CWs from burial (in wv or
> margins) by moving that CWs up to 1st-place. But, if not enough people do
> that, then you could need to rank the CWs over your favorite, to prevent
> successful burial of the CWs under your favorite.
>
> Yes, if the method is Condorcet(wv) (but not Condorcet(margins), the
> burial can likewise be thwarted (& penalized) if the people who prefer the
> CWs to the buriers' candidate refuse to rank the buriers' candidate.
>
> Of course then they need to know or guess who's the CWs, and who's going
> to bury. Yes, that's predictive information. Their defensive of the CWs is
> tactical strategy that depends on good predictive information.
>
> If you're going to use Condorcet, then you'd better be good at tactical
> strategy, and have good predictive information.
>
> (Well, admittedly, the fact that you'll truncate the (guessed) buriers'
> candidate if you prefer the (guessed) CWs to hir can (but might not) deter
> burial, because the would-be buriers don't have better predictive
> information than you do.)
>
> But, if the expected or evident CWs (CWse) is in the would-be buriers'
> bottom-set, then they don't really care if their burial is penalized by the
> election of a different (negligibly worse) bottom-set member.
>
> What happens then? A burial-fest resembling a sharks' feeding-frenzy. I
> call it the "perpetual burial fiasco".
>
> 'Round about that time, you'd be wishing that the election were an
> Approval election.
>
> Let's not kid ourselves that Condorcet is free of strategy.
>
> So:
>
> You can change the winner from Compromise to Worst by moving Favorite to
> top alongside Compromise. ...but also especially more likely by ranking
> Favorite over Compromise.
>
> As I said, burial strategy isn't out of the question, and the need to vote
> insincerely, as described above, isn't out of the question either.
>
> That's why some of us offer ranking-methods that meet FBC.
>
> That's why IC Condorcet is offered, to bring FBC to Condorcet.
>
> For instance, IC Condorcet could consist of IC RP.
>
> RP(wv) is much better than RC(margins), because RC(wv) is completely
> truncation-proof, whereas RC(margins) leaves the CWs completely vulnerable
> to truncation, whether strategic or innocent.
>
> Also, RP(margins) loses FBC in more scenarios than does RC(wv).
>
> Steve Eppley's MAM is just RC(wv) with Steve's clever way of avoiding some
> problems and meeting more criteria in small electorates.
>
> So, if you insist on Condorcet (and are therefore willing to give up
> chicken-dilemma protection), then consider IC MAM.
>
> The version of Condorcet Criterion that IC MAM meets is arguably better
> and more meaningful than the ordinary Condorcet Criterion.
>
> ...but while IC Condorcet meets FBC, it still has chicken-dilemma, as does
> Approval.
>
> So we offer MDDA(pt/2), MMPO(pt/2), and IC,MMPO.
>
> ...which meet FBC and don't have a chicken-dilemma problem.
>
> [Replying a little farther down] :
>
>
>> > Approve only your favorite if you insist on voting tactically (based on
>> > predictive information) and if it looks as if your favorite has a win.
>> >
>> > Is that a problem to you?
>>
>> **what** predictive information?? the polls??? have you learned nothing
>> in the last two weeks?
>>
>
> There was nothing for me to learn in the past 2 weeks, because what
> happened in the past 2 weeks exemplifies what I've been saying all along.
>
> You haven't been reading my postings, or you'd know that I'm the one who
> has been saying that the media's intentionally disinformational predictive
> information is no good.
>
> So, in Approval, forget all about tactical voting and predictive
> information.
>
> I said, "Just vote (only) for your strong top-set".
>
> By the definition of the strong top-set, electing from it, instead of your
> strong bottom-set, is incomparably more important than the matter of
> _which_ strong top-set wins.
>
> And, if you insist on trying to choose among your strong top-set, then you
> increase the probability of electing from your strong bottom-set.
>
> And if you don't have strong top & bottom sets? You do, in our state &
> national elections (the elections that most matter), at least in our
> current, probably phony, political system.
>
> Likely, in a better world, the kind that has honest media and
> vote-counting, your bottom-set candidates & parties would no longer be in
> the elections. The bottom-set is likely an artifact of a phony political
> system.
>
> But, if you didn't have strong top & bottom sets, then what?
>
> Then, maybe, under those conditions we'd have honest media, and good
> predictive information, for one thing. ...on which to base good tactical
> expectation-maximizing strategy.
>
> But what if there were no strong top & bottom sets, and also there were no
> good predictive information?
>
> 1. Look, if it's difficult to decide what set of candidates you consider
> top-set, the better set that deserves approval, then it doesn't make a
> whole lot of difference how you choose between those sets that you're
> indifferent between. So don't worry about it. If all the candidates are so
> good that there's no strong bottom-set, then just be glad of that, and take
> your best guess for your approval-set, because it doesn't matter much under
> those conditions.
>
> 2. That said, there's a way to make an especially good guess: There's
> 0-info expectation-maximizing strategy. ...but only if you want to use
> it. I emphasize that you needn't bother with it. It's only for people who
> like strategy and want to use it (though they don't need to), to make their
> best guess. But one guess is reallly as good as another when you're
> basically indifferent between the various possible approval-sets.
>
>
> But there's no reason to believe that media disinformation, & media
> exclusion of candidates & policy-solutions other than those of the 1% are
> the only tactic in use. With our unverifiable vote-count, and the plentiful
> evidence of presidential election count-fraud in 2000 & 2004, there's no
> reason to believe that count-fraud isn't a main routine tactic of our
> rulers.
>
> I mean, given all the mass killing that the 1% (or less) ruling-families &
> their employees don't mind doing to gain more power & more wealth, does
> anyone think that they'd be willing to let themselves be voted out of
> office, or to take any chance of that? Why should they leave anything to
> chance, or to us voters? Count-fraud, at least whenever needed, is an
> obvious part of their optimal strategy.
>
> You wrote:
>
>> voters shouldn't have to worry about "predictive information" in casting
>> their vote. they should not have to face tactical voting in the polls in
>> any common case.
>>
> Exactly. That's one reason why like Approval, and why I agree with David
> that it's the best method (except that chicken-dilemma protected methods do
> bring some improvement).
>
> I discussed that in more detail a few paragraphs above, in my previous
> long comment just before this one.
>
> This posting is already long, so I'll just post it now, as Part 1.
>
> Part 2 will follow, tomorrow.
>
> I re-emphasize, don't shut me out just yet, because I recognize that the
> discussion of the choice between ranking-methods is more important than the
> discussion of Approval vs ranking. ...and my post on the choice between
> ranking-methods will follow the replies to the posting that I'm now
> replying to.
>
> Michael Ossipoff
>
> (This concludes Part 1 of this reply. Part 2 of this reply will be along
> tomorrow morning.)
>
> (I don't have a convenient way to delete text, but all of this postings
> replies are above this point).
>
>
>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> >
>> > Ii suggest that if you're a progressive, then there are a large set of
>> > candidates whom you so much prefer to the alternatives, that your best
>> > strategy is to approve them all.
>>
>> that is not the fact. how can you tell that to a naive voter, "just
>> approve them all"???
>>
>>
>>
>> >> Voters don't want their second-choice to beat their first-choice. How
>> do
>> >> they stop that from happening? (By bullet-voting their first choice,
>> and
>> >> that devolves Approval into Plurality.)
>> >>
>> >
>> > You're worrying too much about voting _among_ the best candidates.
>>
>> the voter shouldn't have to worry AT ALL. let the voter just inform the
>> poll what their contingency votes are.
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> >If
>> > there's a set of candidates who are qualitatively the best, incomparably
>> > better than the rest, then your best strategy is to maximize the
>> > probability that one of them will win. That doesn't include voting
>> _among_
>> > them. Just vote _for_ them.
>>
>> and maybe the voter will find out they helped their less-preferred
>> candidate beat their more-preferred candidate. sure, that'll make the
>> voter feel like their vote is effective!
>>
>>
>> > In any case, I don't recommend tactical voting (voting based on
>> predictive
>> > information)...partly because the corporate mass-media's predictive
>> > information is disinformational,
>>
>> no shit. but that still does nothing to relieve the voter of the
>> tactical pressure because they **want** their favorite candidate to win,
>> they don't want their contingency candidate to beat their favorite. but
>> they also want their contingency candidate to beat their most-hated
>> candidate if the election comes down to that. Approval does **nothing** to
>> help them express that contingency.
>>
>> >in the service of the people who "own" the
>> > mass media.
>> >
>> > ...but also partly because it's most to your advantage to just approve
>> the
>> > whole set of candidates that's qualitatively, incomparably, better than
>> the
>> > alternatives. ...to maximize the probability that one of that strong
>> > top-set will win.
>> >
>> > (But until we have verifiable vote-counting, of course the voting
>> system is
>> > irrelevant, as is the voting.)
>>
>> totally different topic. (everyone should adopt optical-scan paper
>> ballots.)
>>
>> precinct summability is necessary. IRV and Bucklin don't have it, but
>> Condorcet (as well as Plurality) do have it.
>>
>>
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >> > Equal-rank approval votes mean
>> >> > voters don't get the option to express their preferred ranking, but
>> >> because
>> >> > of that, they aren't at all motivated to bias their ranking
>> dishonestly.
>> >>
>> >> That's baloney. They may very-well not Approve of their second-choice
>> >> candidate (whom they do actually approve of) to protect their
>> first-choice
>> >> candidate.
>> >>
>> > If they strongly approve of their 2nd choice, but not their 3rd choice,
>> > then they'll approve their 2nd choice.
>>
>> unless they worry about their 2nd choice beating their 1st choice.
>>
>> > In our actual candidate lineup, the
>> > merit differences among the progressives are negligible in comparison to
>> > the big gulf of a merit difference between them and the Republocrats.
>> >
>> > Don't worry about it so much. Just approve all of the best.
>>
>> you're repeated assurances are hollow. just like Rob Richie.
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >>
>> >> > They only have to decide which candidates to approve, or where the
>> >> cut-off
>> >> > is between approval and disapproval.
>> >>
>> >> No. That is a falsehood.
>> >>
>> >> They have to consider whether or not their second-choice candidate has
>> a
>> >> chance of beating their first-choice. And they have to consider
>> whether or
>> >> not their third-choice has a chance of beating either their
>> second-choice
>> >> or their first-choice. And then they have to decide if that risk is
>> worth
>> >> it to Approve their second or third choices.
>> >>
>> > No, they don't have to do any of that. They don't have to try to vote
>> > tactically.
>>
>> bullshit. you have no right to tell a voter what his or her interests
>> are. they **may** have to consider voting tactically because they want
>> their favorite candidate to win. but, if their favorite is a poor showing,
>> they also don't want their contingency candidate to lose to their hated
>> candidate.
>>
>> telling them "You don't have to try to vote tactically" is hollow. it's
>> like saying "Don't worry. Any of the candidates are okay."
>>
>>
>>
>> > Partly because there's no reliable information on which to base
>> > tactical voting,
>>
>> which is just one reason we should relieve voters of that burden.
>> tactical voting is **not** a perk. it's a burden. no one feels good
>> about it.
>>
>> > and partly because their best strategy is just to approve
>> > all of the set that is incomparably, qualitatively better than the other
>> > candidates.
>>
>> says YOU.
>>
>> you cannot tell voters what their best strategy is and they find out
>> later that following your glib assurance screwed them. that is what
>> FairVote did with Burlington and there was a city that was quite pissed.
>> we called it the "IRV Happy Talk".
>>
>> you are no authority to advise voters what their best strategy is. the
>> best we can do is give them an voting system that normally requires no
>> strategy of voters nor benefits voters from using strategy. after a few
>> generations, Duverger's Law will be forgotten and they can confidently
>> simply vote their political expression.
>>
>>
>> >
>> >>
>> >>
>> >>
>> >> Robert says:
>> >>
>> >
>> >
>> > I think most of your gushing for Approval voting is not well-founded.
>> What
>> > if the voter prefers Candidate A as their favorite, but suspects that
>> > Candidate B and Candidate C are the leading candidates? How should that
>> > voter vote with an Approval ballot? Please answer that question with
>> > specifics.
>> >
>> > [endquote]
>> >
>> > We'd need better "specifics" about the situation that you've
>> incompletely
>> > described. It depends on how much you like A better than B & C, and how
>> > much you like A & B better than C.
>> >
>>
>> NO, we DON'T. that is your failure. you cannot force voters to research
>> these "specifics".
>>
>> All the voter knows is that he/she prefers A above all others. If he/she
>> can't get A, then they'll take B. If they can't get A or B, then they'll
>> settle for C. But this voter really doesn't want to help candidate D at
>> all. The only ballot that expresses the will of this voter is the Ranked
>> Ballot. Approval does not gather enough information (forcing the voter to
>> vote tactically) and Score requires too much information (also forcing the
>> voter to score tactically). With the exceptions of goofy things coming out
>> of a cycle (which would be rare), only Condorcet resolves that election in
>> exactly the same manner as would a Simple Majority race between two
>> candidates with equal weighting for all voters. Only Condorcet does that.
>>
>>
>>
>> > You don't mention any set's qualitative or incomparable better-ness,and
>> you
>> > suggest that there's good predictive information that the winner will
>> be B
>> > or C.
>>
>> i am saying the voters should not be required to have "good predictive
>> information" for them to vote their interests. And no political group
>> should benefit from "good predictive information". That's the Duverger
>> issue. It's because, with plurality voting, "good predictive information"
>> tells voters that one of the two major party candidates is expected to win,
>> so that their vote for third-party or independent is wasted.
>>
>>
>> > So, if you don't have a strong top or bottom set, and the merit
>> differences
>> > between your successive choices are uniform, and if there's reliable
>> > predictive information that the winner will be B or C, then of course
>> > approving {A,B} is a good way to vote.
>>
>> But you DON'T necessarily know that and you shouldn't burden the voter
>> with that tactical need. They shouldn't have to be thinking "Hmmmm, what
>> would be a good way to vote to benefit my political interest?" That's your
>> problem and you do NOTHING to address it.
>>
>>
>> > But in our actual political lineup, the media have people believing that
>> > there are 2 parties that always must and will win. Say your favorite is
>> > Jill Stein, and that the other 2 candidates are Hillary & Donald. You're
>> > told that only Hillary &I Donald are well-liked by everyone enough so
>> that
>> > one of those two beloved and popular candidates is sure to win.
>> >
>> > For one thing, you should find something fishy about such a claim,
>>
>> You are expecting too much from voters. Voting should not be a political
>> science exam. It's a **service** to voters, not a **burden** for voters.
>> Or at least it should be.
>>
>> > given
>> > what is known about those 2 candidates being the most despised
>> presidential
>> > candidates in this country's history.
>> >
>> > For another thing, the merit of Jill is so much greater than that of
>> > Hillary or Donald that, no matter what your'e told or believe about
>> > predictive information, your best strategy is to vote for the only
>> > acceptable, honest and progressive, genuinely pro-people candidate.
>> >
>> > That latter interpretation of your scenario is the one that you probably
>> > intended, because it's the one that actually obtains in elections here.
>>
>> with your own words, you are making it clear that voters will have to
>> explicitly consider strategy when voting in an Approval system.
>>
>> Again, you cannot simply answer the question: "What should the voter do
>> with their second-favorite candidate?"
>>
>> With Ranked-Choice Voting, the answer is clear (they mark their
>> second-favorite with a "2").
>>
>> With Approval Voting, the voter has a tactical burden deciding whether or
>> not to approve their second-choice. And with Score Voting, the voter has a
>> tactical burden deciding how much to score their second-choice.
>>
>> Mike, you did nothing but verify my objections to Approval voting for
>> governmental elections.
>>
>>
>> --
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> r b-j rbj@audioimagination.com
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> "Imagination is more important than knowledge."
>>
>> ----
>> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list
>> info
>>
>>
>
RB
robert bristow-johnson
Wed, Nov 23, 2016 4:37 AM
i'm not gonna dink around at another forum. �i'm in too many the way it is.
This is a big topic, and various issues have been raised. I'd like to
First, it's good that you're willing to discuss these voting-system-choice
issues, and not shut-out disagreeing opinion. I've been meaning to discuss,
with people of Burlington, replacement alternatives for Plurality & IRV.
since 2010, we are back to Plurality with a top-two runoff if the winner doesn't exceed 40%.
There are 2 main issues here:
- The merit of Approval, vs rank methods.
yup. �and i shot down Approval right outa the gate because it inherently presents voters who want to be electorially effective a tactical problem that does not exist with RCV (and not meaning Rob Richie's definition of RCV).
only
simple ranked ballots (not Approval/Plurality nor Score) ask the voter only the necessary information, which is who is the candidate they prefer and what is their contingency preference. �it's easy and non-tactical for the voter to answer that.
yes, we want the voter to have assurance that their preferences are acted upon without short-circuiting their own political interests. �and we want one-person-one-vote. (that means equal weighting of votes, it doesn't matter that i'm a fanantic for my candidate
over yours and you only mildly prefer your candidate over mine. �your vote counts just as much as mine.) we want nothing else attached to those preferences (such as weighting). �
i can rank: 1. Mother Theresa; 2. Gandhi; 3. Stalin; 4. Satan;
and it means nothing of the relative
spacing of preference. �it only means that i prefer Mother Theresa over Gandhi (maybe only by a little) and Gandhi over Stalin (maybe by a lot) and Stalin over Satan. �if it came down to it (like this 2016 Prez election) and it was between Stalin and Satan, my full vote would go to Stalin.
�(unfortunately, two weeks ago Satan won, but i did my electoral best to stop him.) so i don't Borda telling me that my preference for Gandhi over Stalin is equal to my preference of Theresa over Gandhi.
Warren Smith's page on Burlington pretty well describes the textbook failure of IRV
when Condorcet would have solved the problem nicely.
Bucklin is just plain goofy.
so lessee.... ranked choice voting... exclude Borda, Bucklin, and IRV, what is left???
when there is no cycle (and i am not convinced cycles will be common at all in governmental elections with RCV)
then Condorcet decides the multi-candidate election in the same manner as would Simple Majority (with one-person-one-vote weighting) between the leading candidate and any other candidate. �that is the natural voter aggregate preference. �IRV sometime hits it (if the CW makes it into the
final round, IRV will elect the CW) but not always. �it missed it in Burlington the second time we tried it. �this was because IRV does well with a spoiler who his not a contender. �but this 3-way race was tight enough that the spoiler lead until the final round and, along with the
IRV winner, prevented the CW from advancing to the final round.
but the voters whose favorite was the spoiler (the GOP), those voters by 3 to 1 preferred the CW (the Dem) over the IRV winner (the Prog) and if only about 430 of them insincerely bumped up their second choice to number 1, then
they could have prevented their most disliked candidate from being elected. �IRV served the interests of the liberal majority because we didn't have to agonize over which of the two liberal candidates because we were able to cover our asses with a second choice of the two. �but the
conservative minority would rather see a Dem than a Prog, but their very action of ranking the favorite candidate (the GOP) as number 1 actually caused the Prog to win. �that is an arithmetic fact.
so no Plurality, no Approval, no Score, no Borda, no Bucklin, and no IRV. �what does
that leave??
...(recognizing that activists & organizations & activists prefer
rank-methods, and that some overecompromisers & rival parties are likely to
vote better with rankings than with Approval.)
that's a ridiculous characterization of the RCV supporters. �what we want is
- no need for tactics. �simply vote our sincere preferences.
- one person one vote (equal weighting of votes)
- and when more voters
prefer Candidate A to Candidate B than the contrary, we don't want Candidate B elected.
i still don't know how anyone can argue with that.
I feel that #2 is the more practical & important issue. But #1 is important
too, at least partly because of Approval's unmatched easy & entirely
cost-free implementation.
RCV is easier. �and the cost of implementation is the same. �(the cost of reprogramming the voting machines.)
I'll discuss these issues as they come up in this post that I'm replying
to, rather than purposely separate them into separate sections of this
post. But most of this post that I'm replying to is about #1, and so I
guess that will be this reply's main topic.
But, recognizing that people want, and many voters need, a ranking-method,
I definitely want to discuss the choice of a rank-method, as an immediate
practical municipal choice. Probably in an immediately subsequent post.
if it's anything other than Condorcet-compliant, i will dispute it. �but which Condorcet method, i am a little less invested in except it should be decisive on election day, it should be simple to understand
(which is why i lean toward Ranked-Pairs over our much venerated Schulze).
So I emphasize: However little you like what I say about Approval, don't
shut me out just yet, because I recognize that the choice-of-rank-method
topic is really more important than the Approval-vs-rank topic, and I
intend to address choice-of-rank-method next.
but you can't get past that inherent problem of an overt need for tactical voting when someone might like a second-choice. �and if no one has a second choice (or marks one), then Approval is Plurality. �you just cannot get away from
that inherent flaw. �and empty statements like "Approval does better than Condorcet in electing the CW" are just downright silly.
On Tue, Nov 22, 2016 at 2:27 AM, robert bristow-johnson <
I don't see any reason why IRV results in the dominance of the two major
...except that IRV's national track record is one of 2-party dominance.
the national 2-party dominance exists independently of IRV
Where IRV has been used for about a century, including for at least some
state, and probably national, offices, 2-party dominance remains in place.
yes and 2-party dominance would remain in place without IRV. �so i do not see how you say that IRV promotes two-party dominance.
Returning to discussion about reform in this country:
I'm not saying that IRV can't be any good under any circumstances or
conditions. ...only that it isn't always the best choice.
it's not the best choice, and i can pile on Rob Richie at least as much as you or anyone else. �it is both unfortunate and unnecessary to always package RCV with IRV and that is what FairVote does. �and they are not
honest about it (which was recently confirmed when they changed all of their lit from using "IRV" to using "RCV" in an attempt to rehabilitate the image. �Rob Richie will not tell constituents that there are other ways to tabulate ranked ballots than
IRV.
�
. in Burlington, we may have a 2-party dominance, but the GOP is not one
of the two. and occasionally a GOP candidate is elected mayor and in 2009
there was a legitimate 3-way (or 4-way if you include an Independent) race
between candidates of whom none were dominant.
The broader contexts that Daniel brought up can't be ignored, and
inevitably come up.. For example, should the method be chosen tailored for
each particular municipality,
no. �this IRV vs. Plurality vs. Condorcet vs. Approval thing is not about which municipality.
or, even in municipal reforms, should it be
chosen for usefulness in state & national elections (even though it's much
less likely for democracy to be achieved at state & national level)?
got just as good a chance as Approval. �i think Approval is dead-in-the-water with legislatures and such considering reform.
(...but Maine's adoption of IRV suggests that maybe state democracy isn't
entirely impossible, even now. Can that be?).
everything changes. �reforms eventually happen. �but RCV (which is necessary to finally level the playing field in the election) will be set back an entire generation if Maine's IRV has a hiccup like we did in Burlington.
�right now, Burlington has no interest in pursuing voting reform because the mood of the majority is that "we tried it, it didn't work right." �i would hope that Mainer's for reform wouldn't wanna repeat the mistake of Burlington (and FairVote).
I suggest that, even when choosing a municipal voting-system reform, the
method should be chosen for its usefulness at state and national level,
because those levels are where the most broadly-important decisions are
yeah, of course. �it's a non-issue.
That's relevant to this topic, because, nationally, the meaningful choice
is between progressive candidates & parties, vs Republocrat candidates.
Could there be any easier choice? Hence my emphasis on the situation where
the voter has a strong top-set and a strong bottom-set. ...as every
progressive voter does, given the current candidate lineups. And I claim
that the 99% would benefit greatly from a progressive (rather than
Republocrat) government. ...and therefore has a strong top-set and a
what's more likely is that the voter has a strong top-choice and a tepid second-choice and a hated bottom-choice. �the voter does not want to see their second choice beat their top-choice. �(notice that i am not going with your "set"
semantic.)
The problem that IRV suffers is that sometimes IRV does not elect the
Condorcet Winner and then voters feel that the election failed when a
candidate is elected despite that more voters marked their ballots that
they preferred a specific different candidate. Then this cascades into
other problems like spoiler and later harm..
That well characterizes what happened in Burlington, but IRV doesn't
violate Later-No-Harm. ...or Later-No-Help either.
well, note that there were no caps. i wasn't referring to
referring to 1500 voters who were promised that they could vote for their
favorite candidate without worrying about helping elect their least
favorite candidate and found out after the election that this was not true.
the promise of IRV had failed. these voters' political interests were
harmed by their expression of their most favorite candidate.
I see what you mean. Yes, certainly. Everywhere where Richie & his FairVote
promoted IRV, most likely those same false promises were made, and IRV's
it literally had a spoiler problem when it was promised to be spoiler free. �but that promise only served the liberal majority (who didn't have a painful choice between Dem and Prog), but it did not protect the conservative minority who helped elect the Prog
by marking GOP as #1. �that made them mad.
Some of us have been trying to explain to Rob Richie, over the past 30
i am one of those persons. �i have had at least a dozen email exchanges with Rob since 2009.
Over that time, we've been telling Richie about the
very problem that happened in Burlngton. He can't say he hadn't heard about
it or didn't know about it.
oh, he won't say that today. �Rob is well aware of the fact that there was a clear CW in Burlington 2009 that IRV did not elect. �and he is well aware that Burlington repealed IRV the following year. (i voted to preserve IRV so we could preserve the
ranked ballot and reform the tabulation method.)
IRV is a good method. But don't advocate or adopt it unless you
accept and want its problem, and its unique offering and tradeoffs. IRV
we don't go to the general public and say that. we, instead, try to
deliver to them a means of electing a candidate out of a field of many, in
such a way that, given one-person-one-vote weighting, these voters are
relieved of worry about "understanding" how using or failing to use
tactics will harm their political interests.
that's what you don't get, Mike.
My goal at EM has been to emphasize the importance of making voting easy
(less strategic difficulty), and making sincerity safe.
There's good reason to believe that, just as you said, IRV doesn't fill the
I don't advocate IRV, and I wouldn't include it in a multi-method proposal.
[Replying a little farther down] :
In Burlington, you repealed it because you didn't like its elimination
CWv. Then why did you adopt it???
You didn't know that it could do that?
Did FairVote assure you that it would never happen?
yes, FairVote assured the citizens of Burlington that they could vote for
their favorite candidate without worry of electing their least favorite
candidate. but 1500 voters for the GOP (that also hated the Prog) found
out that they could have prevented the election of the Prog had they
insincerely elevated the Dem to first choice. but that would not have
As I mentioned above, we've been explaining about that to Rob Richie for
the past 30 years. Could have have not known about it? So: ignorance, or
it's intentional. �Richie knows what happened, but he believes that Condorcet has no chance of adoption while IRV does (especially clothed with a new acronym, "RCV") and that IRV is better than Plurality. �that's Rob's position.
Part of the "gobbledigook" is about IRV's mitigations, which admittedly
aren't relevant to this discussion, because I don't advocate IRV, and
because there's no way that Burlington would want IRV.
But part of it is about Condoret's favorite-burial need, for some
Also, it might be in that section that I described how Condorcet could meet
FBC (and thus not have that favorite-burial need). ...and offered two rank
methods that meet FBC and don't have a chicken-dilemma problem (Condorcet
has chicken dilemma, as does Approval).
You're of course not obligated to reply to any of that, but Condorcet's
favorite-burial need is there. And the offer of a way to bring FBC to
Condorcet is there, and so is the offer of two rank methods that meet FBC
and don't have a chicken-dilemma problem.
(Those two methods are Simmons ( MDDA(pt/2) ) and MMPO(pt/2).
...and also Kevin Venzke's IC, MMPO , bringing it to 3 methods)
It's a mistake to assume that Condorcet is really free of strategy.
if there is no cycle, then Condorcet is really free of strategy.
the only strategy that some candidate might bring is to insincerely mark ballots (in large quantity) in order to push an otherwise normal Condorcet
election into a cycle. �but it's so esoteric (and danger of back-firing), that i don't believe anyone would try that strategy.
Maybe I should say something here about ordinary Condorcet's
Say that you top-rank Compromise, and 2nd-rank Favorite. Compromise is
going to win as CWv (voted CW).
But then you (and a few other voters who vote like you) decide to rank
Favorite at top, along with Compromise.
By voting Compromise over favorite, you had been keeping Favorite from
pair-beating Compromise. But now that you've moved Favorite to top, you're
no longer voting Comprmise over favorite. Now Compromise pairwise-beats
favorite. It happens that Worst pairwise-beats Compromise, and that Worst
is the winner of the resulting cycle.
it requires pushing it into a cycle. �that is mathematically not an easy or obvious thing to do. �and you have to be in the position to do it (like being a Nader voter who prefers Bush over Gore).
it's not a likely scenario. �not
a convincing objection to Condorcet.
By moving Favorite to the top with Compromise, you've changed the winner
from Compromise to Worst.
it requires a cycle. �and none of you guys convince me that a cycle is in any way common or straight-forward to create.
Something similar can happen if, instead of winning as CW, Compromise was
merely winning in a cycle, by having the lowest margin-against, if the
method is Condorcet(margins).
you mean Ranked Pairs (margins). �or do you mean Schulze(margins)?
By no longer ranking Favorite over
Compromise, you could spoil that win too, by decreasing the Favorite >
Compromise total, thereby increasing the margin by which Compromise
pairbeats Favorite, giving Compromise now a higher margin-against than
These scenarios can happen only if there's a sincere cycle.
right. �which will likely almost never happen. �and that is because voters on both extremes of the spectrum most often choose the centrist candidate as their second choice. �they do not normally choose the other
extreme as their second choice.
If Compromise were the CWs (sincere CW), then your sincere ranking
obviously can't hurt her win as CWv.
If someone else is CWs, then, in Condorcet(wv) the only way you could
chanage the winner from hir to Compromise would be by burial. (In
Condorcet(margins) you could do it by truncation.)
So there has to be a cycle.
yes. �and cycles are not and will not be common. �so the virtue of Condorcet over other methods should be considered mostly outside of the consideration of cycles. �
Sincere cycles are evidently rare (at least in the current (probably
inauthentic) political system. Maybe in an authentic political system (one
free of media disinformation and count-fraud) there wouldn't be a
1-dimensional political spectrum, and cycles wouldn't be unusual.
Anyway, there are insincere cycles too. Strategic cycles. Burial strategy
is by no means out of the question. Burial will make a cycle...like the one
that Condorcet's FBC failure needs.
but it is not a "secure" strategy. �if some side wants to game the system to elect their candidate by causing a cycle, that means they (their own voters) have to organize to insincerely mark their ballots how?? �by bumping down
their favorite? �NO. �by bumping up their 3rd favorite to their second choice. �that 3rd choice might be the candidate they hate the most. �it's quite a risk to bump up your most disliked candidate in a ruse to try to swing the election into a cycle. �and quite a stretch
that such a strategy will succeed at electing your guy that was otherwise not the CW.
We've discussed, on EM, how you can protect the CWs from burial (in wv or
margins) by moving that CWs up to 1st-place.
again, it requires people knowing in advance who the CW will be. �and then bumping that CW up over your favorite only serves to harm your favorite. �to what end? �to prevent Satan from election?
that, then you could need to rank the CWs over your favorite, to prevent
successful burial of the CWs under your favorite.
if you want your favorite to beat the CW, whomever the CW is, what's wrong with that? �if burying the CW under your favorite has the effect of electing the least favorite candidate, that is too convoluted a strategy to depend on for
gain, considering the risk.
Yes, if the method is Condorcet(wv) (but not Condorcet(margins),
you mean Tideman Ranked-Pairs, no? �or Schulze?
can likewise be thwarted (& penalized) if the people who prefer the CWs to
the buriers' candidate refuse to rank the buriers' candidate.
Of course then they need to know or guess who's the CWs, and who's going to
bury. Yes, that's predictive information. Their defensive of the CWs is
tactical strategy that depends on good predictive information.
If you're going to use Condorcet, then you'd better be good at tactical
strategy, and have good predictive information.
that's just not true and the gobblegook does nothing to support that.
(Well, admittedly, the fact that you'll truncate the (guessed) buriers'
candidate if you prefer the (guessed) CWs to hir can (but might not) deter
burial, because the would-be buriers don't have better predictive
information than you do.)
But, if the expected or evident CWs (CWse) is in the would-be buriers'
bottom-set, then they don't really care if their burial is penalized by the
election of a different (negligibly worse) bottom-set member.
What happens then? A burial-fest resembling a sharks' feeding-frenzy. I
call it the "perpetual burial fiasco".
'Round about that time, you'd be wishing that the election were an Approval
Let's not kid ourselves that Condorcet is free of strategy.
i suggest that you not kid yourself that any of your scenarios are likely. �if you want some good numbers, look at Burlington. �two straightforward elections with ranked ballots. �first time the IRV and Condorcet
winner was the same candidate. �second time there was still a clear Condorcet winner (even though he was not elected). �are you saying that some strategy was likely used to make the CW appear to be the CW when he was something else? �that is goofy.
You can change the winner from Compromise to Worst by moving Favorite to
top alongside Compromise. ...but also especially more likely by ranking
Favorite over Compromise.
As I said, burial strategy isn't out of the question, and the need to vote
insincerely, as described above, isn't out of the question either.
That's why some of us offer ranking-methods that meet FBC.
That's why IC Condorcet is offered, to bring FBC to Condorcet.
For instance, IC Condorcet could consist of IC RP.
RP(wv) is much better than RC(margins), because RC(wv) is completely
truncation-proof, whereas RC(margins) leaves the CWs completely vulnerable
to truncation, whether strategic or innocent.
Also, RP(margins) loses FBC in more scenarios than does RC(wv).
Steve Eppley's MAM is just RC(wv) with Steve's clever way of avoiding some
problems and meeting more criteria in small electorates.
So, if you insist on Condorcet (and are therefore willing to give up
chicken-dilemma protection), then consider IC MAM.
The version of Condorcet Criterion that IC MAM meets is arguably better and
more meaningful than the ordinary Condorcet Criterion.
...but while IC Condorcet meets FBC, it still has chicken-dilemma, as does
So we offer MDDA(pt/2), MMPO(pt/2), and IC,MMPO.
...which meet FBC and don't have a chicken-dilemma problem.
blah-blah-woof-woof.
now i skipped over all of this gobbledegook above.
[Replying a little farther down] :
Approve only your favorite if you insist on voting tactically (based on
predictive information) and if it looks as if your favorite has a win.
Is that a problem to you?
what predictive information?? the polls??? have you learned nothing
There was nothing for me to learn in the past 2 weeks, because what
happened in the past 2 weeks exemplifies what I've been saying all along.
You haven't been reading my postings,�
can't imagine why i haven't been. �(consider the ratio of payoff to time invested.)
�
i am not reading a word below. �there is just too much crap and you still cannot answer my concise point about why Approval
inherently requires tactical voting.
�
so below is unread, Mike. �you need to learn how to separate the kernel from chaff to make your case.
�
r b-j
�
�
or you'd know that I'm the one who
has been saying that the media's intentionally disinformational predictive
So, in Approval, forget all about tactical voting and predictive
I said, "Just vote (only) for your strong top-set".
By the definition of the strong top-set, electing from it, instead of your
strong bottom-set, is incomparably more important than the matter of
which strong top-set wins.
And, if you insist on trying to choose among your strong top-set, then you
increase the probability of electing from your strong bottom-set.
And if you don't have strong top & bottom sets? You do, in our state &
national elections (the elections that most matter), at least in our
current, probably phony, political system.
Likely, in a better world, the kind that has honest media and
vote-counting, your bottom-set candidates & parties would no longer be in
the elections. The bottom-set is likely an artifact of a phony political
But, if you didn't have strong top & bottom sets, then what?
Then, maybe, under those conditions we'd have honest media, and good
predictive information, for one thing. ...on which to base good tactical
expectation-maximizing strategy.
But what if there were no strong top & bottom sets, and also there were no
good predictive information?
- Look, if it's difficult to decide what set of candidates you consider
top-set, the better set that deserves approval, then it doesn't make a
whole lot of difference how you choose between those sets that you're
indifferent between. So don't worry about it. If all the candidates are so
good that there's no strong bottom-set, then just be glad of that, and take
your best guess for your approval-set, because it doesn't matter much under
- That said, there's a way to make an especially good guess: There's
0-info expectation-maximizing strategy. ...but only if you want to use
it. I emphasize that you needn't bother with it. It's only for people who
like strategy and want to use it (though they don't need to), to make their
best guess. But one guess is reallly as good as another when you're
basically indifferent between the various possible approval-sets.
But there's no reason to believe that media disinformation, & media
exclusion of candidates & policy-solutions other than those of the 1% are
the only tactic in use. With our unverifiable vote-count, and the plentiful
evidence of presidential election count-fraud in 2000 & 2004, there's no
reason to believe that count-fraud isn't a main routine tactic of our
I mean, given all the mass killing that the 1% (or less) ruling-families &
their employees don't mind doing to gain more power & more wealth, does
anyone think that they'd be willing to let themselves be voted out of
office, or to take any chance of that? Why should they leave anything to
chance, or to us voters? Count-fraud, at least whenever needed, is an
obvious part of their optimal strategy.
voters shouldn't have to worry about "predictive information" in casting
their vote. they should not have to face tactical voting in the polls in
Exactly. That's one reason why like Approval, and why I agree with David
that it's the best method (except that chicken-dilemma protected methods do
I discussed that in more detail a few paragraphs above, in my previous long
comment just before this one.
This posting is already long, so I'll just post it now, as Part 1.
Part 2 will follow, tomorrow.
I re-emphasize, don't shut me out just yet, because I recognize that the
discussion of the choice between ranking-methods is more important than the
discussion of Approval vs ranking. ...and my post on the choice between
ranking-methods will follow the replies to the posting that I'm now
(This concludes Part 1 of this reply. Part 2 of this reply will be along
(I don't have a convenient way to delete text, but all of this postings
replies are above this point).
Ii suggest that if you're a progressive, then there are a large set of
candidates whom you so much prefer to the alternatives, that your best
strategy is to approve them all.
that is not the fact. how can you tell that to a naive voter, "just
Voters don't want their second-choice to beat their first-choice. How do
they stop that from happening? (By bullet-voting their first choice, and
that devolves Approval into Plurality.)
You're worrying too much about voting among the best candidates.
the voter shouldn't have to worry AT ALL. let the voter just inform the
poll what their contingency votes are.
there's a set of candidates who are qualitatively the best, incomparably
better than the rest, then your best strategy is to maximize the
probability that one of them will win. That doesn't include voting
them. Just vote for them.
and maybe the voter will find out they helped their less-preferred
candidate beat their more-preferred candidate. sure, that'll make the
voter feel like their vote is effective!
In any case, I don't recommend tactical voting (voting based on
information)...partly because the corporate mass-media's predictive
information is disinformational,
no shit. but that still does nothing to relieve the voter of the tactical
pressure because they want their favorite candidate to win, they don't
want their contingency candidate to beat their favorite. but they also
want their contingency candidate to beat their most-hated candidate if the
election comes down to that. Approval does nothing to help them
express that contingency.
in the service of the people who "own" the
...but also partly because it's most to your advantage to just approve
whole set of candidates that's qualitatively, incomparably, better than
alternatives. ...to maximize the probability that one of that strong
(But until we have verifiable vote-counting, of course the voting system
irrelevant, as is the voting.)
totally different topic. (everyone should adopt optical-scan paper
precinct summability is necessary. IRV and Bucklin don't have it, but
Condorcet (as well as Plurality) do have it.
Equal-rank approval votes mean
voters don't get the option to express their preferred ranking, but
of that, they aren't at all motivated to bias their ranking
That's baloney. They may very-well not Approve of their second-choice
candidate (whom they do actually approve of) to protect their
If they strongly approve of their 2nd choice, but not their 3rd choice,
then they'll approve their 2nd choice.
unless they worry about their 2nd choice beating their 1st choice.
In our actual candidate lineup, the
merit differences among the progressives are negligible in comparison to
the big gulf of a merit difference between them and the Republocrats.
Don't worry about it so much. Just approve all of the best.
you're repeated assurances are hollow. just like Rob Richie.
They only have to decide which candidates to approve, or where the
is between approval and disapproval.
They have to consider whether or not their second-choice candidate has a
chance of beating their first-choice. And they have to consider whether
not their third-choice has a chance of beating either their
or their first-choice. And then they have to decide if that risk is
it to Approve their second or third choices.
No, they don't have to do any of that. They don't have to try to vote
bullshit. you have no right to tell a voter what his or her interests
are. they may have to consider voting tactically because they want
their favorite candidate to win. but, if their favorite is a poor showing,
they also don't want their contingency candidate to lose to their hated
telling them "You don't have to try to vote tactically" is hollow. it's
like saying "Don't worry. Any of the candidates are okay."
Partly because there's no reliable information on which to base
which is just one reason we should relieve voters of that burden.
tactical voting is not a perk. it's a burden. no one feels good
and partly because their best strategy is just to approve
all of the set that is incomparably, qualitatively better than the other
you cannot tell voters what their best strategy is and they find out later
that following your glib assurance screwed them. that is what FairVote did
with Burlington and there was a city that was quite pissed. we called it
you are no authority to advise voters what their best strategy is. the
best we can do is give them an voting system that normally requires no
strategy of voters nor benefits voters from using strategy. after a few
generations, Duverger's Law will be forgotten and they can confidently
simply vote their political expression.
I think most of your gushing for Approval voting is not well-founded.
if the voter prefers Candidate A as their favorite, but suspects that
Candidate B and Candidate C are the leading candidates? How should that
voter vote with an Approval ballot? Please answer that question with
We'd need better "specifics" about the situation that you've incompletely
described. It depends on how much you like A better than B & C, and how
much you like A & B better than C.
NO, we DON'T. that is your failure. you cannot force voters to research
All the voter knows is that he/she prefers A above all others. If he/she
can't get A, then they'll take B. If they can't get A or B, then they'll
settle for C. But this voter really doesn't want to help candidate D at
all. The only ballot that expresses the will of this voter is the Ranked
Ballot. Approval does not gather enough information (forcing the voter to
vote tactically) and Score requires too much information (also forcing the
voter to score tactically). With the exceptions of goofy things coming out
of a cycle (which would be rare), only Condorcet resolves that election in
exactly the same manner as would a Simple Majority race between two
candidates with equal weighting for all voters. Only Condorcet does that.
You don't mention any set's qualitative or incomparable better-ness,and
suggest that there's good predictive information that the winner will be
i am saying the voters should not be required to have "good predictive
information" for them to vote their interests. And no political group
should benefit from "good predictive information". That's the Duverger
issue. It's because, with plurality voting, "good predictive information"
tells voters that one of the two major party candidates is expected to win,
so that their vote for third-party or independent is wasted.
So, if you don't have a strong top or bottom set, and the merit
between your successive choices are uniform, and if there's reliable
predictive information that the winner will be B or C, then of course
approving {A,B} is a good way to vote.
But you DON'T necessarily know that and you shouldn't burden the voter
with that tactical need. They shouldn't have to be thinking "Hmmmm, what
would be a good way to vote to benefit my political interest?" That's your
problem and you do NOTHING to address it.
But in our actual political lineup, the media have people believing that
there are 2 parties that always must and will win. Say your favorite is
Jill Stein, and that the other 2 candidates are Hillary & Donald. You're
told that only Hillary &I Donald are well-liked by everyone enough so
one of those two beloved and popular candidates is sure to win.
For one thing, you should find something fishy about such a claim,
You are expecting too much from voters. Voting should not be a political
science exam. It's a service to voters, not a burden for voters.
Or at least it should be.
what is known about those 2 candidates being the most despised
candidates in this country's history.
For another thing, the merit of Jill is so much greater than that of
Hillary or Donald that, no matter what your'e told or believe about
predictive information, your best strategy is to vote for the only
acceptable, honest and progressive, genuinely pro-people candidate.
That latter interpretation of your scenario is the one that you probably
intended, because it's the one that actually obtains in elections here.
with your own words, you are making it clear that voters will have to
explicitly consider strategy when voting in an Approval system.
Again, you cannot simply answer the question: "What should the voter do
with their second-favorite candidate?"
With Ranked-Choice Voting, the answer is clear (they mark their
second-favorite with a "2").
With Approval Voting, the voter has a tactical burden deciding whether or
not to approve their second-choice. And with Score Voting, the voter has a
tactical burden deciding how much to score their second-choice.
Mike, you did nothing but verify my objections to Approval voting for
"Imagination is more important than knowledge."
--
�
r b-j � � � � � � � � �rbj@audioimagination.com
�
"Imagination is more important than knowledge."
---------------------------- Original Message ----------------------------
Subject: Re: [EM] Approval Voting and Long-term effects of voting systems
From: "Michael Ossipoff" <email9648742@gmail.com>
Date: Tue, November 22, 2016 8:25 pm
To: "robert bristow-johnson" <rbj@audioimagination.com>
"Daniel LaLiberte" <daniel.laliberte@gmail.com>
Cc: "EM" <election-methods@lists.electorama.com>
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
> Robert--
>
> http://en.minguo.info/polling_station
>
i'm not gonna dink around at another forum. �i'm in too many the way it is.
> This is a big topic, and various issues have been raised. I'd like to
> address them all.
>
> First, it's good that you're willing to discuss these voting-system-choice
> issues, and not shut-out disagreeing opinion. I've been meaning to discuss,
> with people of Burlington, replacement alternatives for Plurality & IRV.
since 2010, we are back to Plurality with a top-two runoff if the winner doesn't exceed 40%.
>
> There are 2 main issues here:
>
> 1. The merit of Approval, vs rank methods.
yup. �and i shot down Approval right outa the gate because it inherently presents voters who want to be electorially effective a tactical problem that does not exist with RCV (and not meaning Rob Richie's definition of RCV).
only
simple ranked ballots (not Approval/Plurality nor Score) ask the voter only the necessary information, which is who is the candidate they prefer and what is their contingency preference. �it's easy and non-tactical for the voter to answer that.
> 2. Which rank-method
yes, we want the voter to have assurance that their preferences are acted upon without short-circuiting their own political interests. �and we want one-person-one-vote. (that means equal weighting of votes, it doesn't matter that i'm a fanantic for my candidate
over yours and you only mildly prefer your candidate over mine. �your vote counts just as much as mine.) we want nothing else attached to those preferences (such as weighting). �
i can rank: 1. Mother Theresa; 2. Gandhi; 3. Stalin; 4. Satan;
and it means nothing of the relative
spacing of preference. �it only means that i prefer Mother Theresa over Gandhi (maybe only by a little) and Gandhi over Stalin (maybe by a lot) and Stalin over Satan. �if it came down to it (like this 2016 Prez election) and it was between Stalin and Satan, my full vote would go to Stalin.
�(unfortunately, two weeks ago Satan won, but i did my electoral best to stop him.) so i don't Borda telling me that my preference for Gandhi over Stalin is equal to my preference of Theresa over Gandhi.
Warren Smith's page on Burlington pretty well describes the textbook failure of IRV
when Condorcet would have solved the problem nicely.
Bucklin is just plain goofy.
so lessee.... ranked choice voting... exclude Borda, Bucklin, and IRV, what is left???
when there is no cycle (and i am not convinced cycles will be common at all in governmental elections with RCV)
then Condorcet decides the multi-candidate election in the same manner as would Simple Majority (with one-person-one-vote weighting) between the leading candidate and any other candidate. �that is the natural voter aggregate preference. �IRV sometime hits it (if the CW makes it into the
final round, IRV will elect the CW) but not always. �it missed it in Burlington the second time we tried it. �this was because IRV does well with a spoiler who his *not* a contender. �but this 3-way race was tight enough that the spoiler lead until the final round and, along with the
IRV winner, prevented the CW from advancing to the final round.
but the voters whose favorite was the spoiler (the GOP), those voters by 3 to 1 preferred the CW (the Dem) over the IRV winner (the Prog) and if only about 430 of them insincerely bumped up their second choice to number 1, then
they could have prevented their most disliked candidate from being elected. �IRV served the interests of the liberal majority because we didn't have to agonize over which of the two liberal candidates because we were able to cover our asses with a second choice of the two. �but the
conservative minority would rather see a Dem than a Prog, but their very action of ranking the favorite candidate (the GOP) as number 1 actually caused the Prog to win. �that is an arithmetic fact.
so no Plurality, no Approval, no Score, no Borda, no Bucklin, and no IRV. �what does
that leave??
> ...(recognizing that activists & organizations & activists prefer
> rank-methods, and that some overecompromisers & rival parties are likely to
> vote better with rankings than with Approval.)
that's a ridiculous characterization of the RCV supporters. �what we want is
1. no need for tactics. �simply vote our sincere preferences.
2. one person one vote (equal weighting of votes)
3. and when more voters
prefer Candidate A to Candidate B than the contrary, we don't want Candidate B elected.
i still don't know how anyone can argue with that.
> I feel that #2 is the more practical & important issue. But #1 is important
> too, at least partly because of Approval's unmatched easy & entirely
> cost-free implementation.
RCV is easier. �and the cost of implementation is the same. �(the cost of reprogramming the voting machines.)
>
> I'll discuss these issues as they come up in this post that I'm replying
> to, rather than purposely separate them into separate sections of this
> post. But most of this post that I'm replying to is about #1, and so I
> guess that will be this reply's main topic.
>
> But, recognizing that people want, and many voters need, a ranking-method,
> I definitely want to discuss the choice of a rank-method, as an immediate
> practical municipal choice. Probably in an immediately subsequent post.
if it's anything other than Condorcet-compliant, i will dispute it. �but which Condorcet method, i am a little less invested in except it should be decisive on election day, it should be simple to understand
(which is why i lean toward Ranked-Pairs over our much venerated Schulze).
> So I emphasize: However little you like what I say about Approval, don't
> shut me out just yet, because I recognize that the choice-of-rank-method
> topic is really more important than the Approval-vs-rank topic, and I
> intend to address choice-of-rank-method next.
but you can't get past that inherent problem of an overt need for tactical voting when someone might like a second-choice. �and if no one has a second choice (or marks one), then Approval is Plurality. �you just cannot get away from
that inherent flaw. �and empty statements like "Approval does better than Condorcet in electing the CW" are just downright silly.
>
> On Tue, Nov 22, 2016 at 2:27 AM, robert bristow-johnson <
> rbj@audioimagination.com> wrote:
>
>> >>
>> >> I don't see any reason why IRV results in the dominance of the two major
>> >> parties.
>> >>
>> >
>> > ...except that IRV's national track record is one of 2-party dominance.
>> >
>>
>> the national 2-party dominance exists independently of IRV
>>
> Where IRV has been used for about a century, including for at least some
> state, and probably national, offices, 2-party dominance remains in place.
yes and 2-party dominance would remain in place without IRV. �so i do not see how you say that IRV promotes two-party dominance.
>
> Returning to discussion about reform in this country:
>
> I'm not saying that IRV can't be any good under any circumstances or
> conditions. ...only that it isn't always the best choice.
it's not the best choice, and i can pile on Rob Richie at least as much as you or anyone else. �it is both unfortunate and unnecessary to always package RCV with IRV and that is what FairVote does. �and they are not
honest about it (which was recently confirmed when they changed all of their lit from using "IRV" to using "RCV" in an attempt to rehabilitate the image. �Rob Richie will not tell constituents that there are other ways to tabulate ranked ballots than
IRV.
�
>
> You wrote:
>
> . in Burlington, we may have a 2-party dominance, but the GOP is not one
> of the two. and occasionally a GOP candidate is elected mayor and in 2009
> there was a legitimate 3-way (or 4-way if you include an Independent) race
> between candidates of whom none were dominant.
>
> [endquote]
>
> The broader contexts that Daniel brought up can't be ignored, and
> inevitably come up.. For example, should the method be chosen tailored for
> each particular municipality,
no. �this IRV vs. Plurality vs. Condorcet vs. Approval thing is **not** about which municipality.
>or, even in municipal reforms, should it be
> chosen for usefulness in state & national elections (even though it's much
> less likely for democracy to be achieved at state & national level)?
got just as good a chance as Approval. �i think Approval is dead-in-the-water with legislatures and such considering reform.
> (...but Maine's adoption of IRV suggests that maybe state democracy isn't
> entirely impossible, even now. Can that be?).
everything changes. �reforms eventually happen. �but RCV (which *is* necessary to finally level the playing field in the election) will be set back an entire generation if Maine's IRV has a hiccup like we did in Burlington.
�right now, Burlington has no interest in pursuing voting reform because the mood of the majority is that "we tried it, it didn't work right." �i would hope that Mainer's for reform wouldn't wanna repeat the mistake of Burlington (and FairVote).
>
> I suggest that, even when choosing a municipal voting-system reform, the
> method should be chosen for its usefulness at state and national level,
> because those levels are where the most broadly-important decisions are
> made.
yeah, of course. �it's a non-issue.
>
> That's relevant to this topic, because, nationally, the meaningful choice
> is between progressive candidates & parties, vs Republocrat candidates.
>
> Could there be any easier choice? Hence my emphasis on the situation where
> the voter has a strong top-set and a strong bottom-set. ...as every
> progressive voter does, given the current candidate lineups. And I claim
> that the 99% would benefit greatly from a progressive (rather than
> Republocrat) government. ...and therefore has a strong top-set and a
> strong bottom-set.
what's more likely is that the voter has a strong top-choice and a tepid second-choice and a hated bottom-choice. �the voter does not want to see their second choice beat their top-choice. �(notice that i am not going with your "set"
semantic.)
>> >> The problem that IRV suffers is that sometimes IRV does not elect the
>> >> Condorcet Winner and then voters feel that the election failed when a
>> >> candidate is elected despite that more voters marked their ballots that
>> >> they preferred a specific different candidate. Then this cascades into
>> >> other problems like spoiler and later harm..
>> >>
>> >
>> > That well characterizes what happened in Burlington, but IRV doesn't
>> > violate Later-No-Harm. ...or Later-No-Help either.
>>
>> well, note that there were no caps. i wasn't referring to
>> https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Later-no-harm_criterion but i *was*
>> referring to 1500 voters who were promised that they could vote for their
>> favorite candidate without worrying about helping elect their least
>> favorite candidate and found out after the election that this was not true.
>> the promise of IRV had failed. these voters' political interests were
>> harmed by their expression of their most favorite candidate.
>>
>
> I see what you mean. Yes, certainly. Everywhere where Richie & his FairVote
> promoted IRV, most likely those same false promises were made, and IRV's
> problems were concealed.
it literally had a spoiler problem when it was promised to be spoiler free. �but that promise only served the liberal majority (who didn't have a painful choice between Dem and Prog), but it did not protect the conservative minority who helped elect the Prog
by marking GOP as #1. �that made them mad.
> Some of us have been trying to explain to Rob Richie, over the past 30
> years, IRV's problem.
i am one of those persons. �i have had at least a dozen email exchanges with Rob since 2009.
> Over that time, we've been telling Richie about the
> very problem that happened in Burlngton. He can't say he hadn't heard about
> it or didn't know about it.
oh, he won't say that today. �Rob is well aware of the fact that there was a clear CW in Burlington 2009 that IRV did not elect. �and he is well aware that Burlington repealed IRV the following year. (i voted to preserve IRV so we could preserve the
ranked ballot and reform the tabulation method.)
>
>> > IRV is a good method. But don't advocate or adopt it unless you
>> understand,
>> > accept and want its problem, and its unique offering and tradeoffs. IRV
>> > isn't for everyone.
>>
>> no, no, no, no...
>>
>> we don't go to the general public and say that. we, instead, try to
>> deliver to them a means of electing a candidate out of a field of many, in
>> such a way that, given one-person-one-vote weighting, these voters are
>> **relieved** of worry about "understanding" how using or failing to use
>> tactics will harm their political interests.
>>
>> that's what you don't get, Mike.
>>
>
> No, I agree completely.
>
> My goal at EM has been to emphasize the importance of making voting easy
> (less strategic difficulty), and making sincerity safe.
>
> There's good reason to believe that, just as you said, IRV doesn't fill the
> bill.
>
> I don't advocate IRV, and I wouldn't include it in a multi-method proposal.
>
> [Replying a little farther down] :
>
>
>
>>
>>
>>
>> >
>> > In Burlington, you repealed it because you didn't like its elimination
>> of a
>> > CWv. Then why did you adopt it???
>>
>>
>>
>> > You didn't know that it could do that?
>> > Did FairVote assure you that it would never happen?
>>
>> yes, FairVote assured the citizens of Burlington that they could vote for
>> their favorite candidate without worry of electing their least favorite
>> candidate. but 1500 voters for the GOP (that also hated the Prog) found
>> out that they could have prevented the election of the Prog had they
>> insincerely elevated the Dem to first choice. but that would not have
>> happened with Condorcet.
>>
> As I mentioned above, we've been explaining about that to Rob Richie for
> the past 30 years. Could have have not known about it? So: ignorance, or
> intentional concealment?
it's intentional. �Richie knows what happened, but he believes that Condorcet has no chance of adoption while IRV does (especially clothed with a new acronym, "RCV") and that IRV is better than Plurality. �that's Rob's position.
>
>
>
>> <<gobbledigook deleted>>
>>
>
> Part of the "gobbledigook" is about IRV's mitigations, which admittedly
> aren't relevant to this discussion, because I don't advocate IRV, and
> because there's no way that Burlington would want IRV.
>
> But part of it is about Condoret's favorite-burial need, for some
> overcompromising voters.
>
> Also, it might be in that section that I described how Condorcet could meet
> FBC (and thus not have that favorite-burial need). ...and offered two rank
> methods that meet FBC and don't have a chicken-dilemma problem (Condorcet
> has chicken dilemma, as does Approval).
>
> You're of course not obligated to reply to any of that, but Condorcet's
> favorite-burial need is there. And the offer of a way to bring FBC to
> Condorcet is there, and so is the offer of two rank methods that meet FBC
> and don't have a chicken-dilemma problem.
>
> (Those two methods are Simmons ( MDDA(pt/2) ) and MMPO(pt/2).
> ...and also Kevin Venzke's IC, MMPO , bringing it to 3 methods)
>
> It's a mistake to assume that Condorcet is really free of strategy.
if there is no cycle, then Condorcet is really free of strategy.
the only strategy that some candidate might bring is to insincerely mark ballots (in large quantity) in order to push an otherwise normal Condorcet
election into a cycle. �but it's so esoteric (and danger of back-firing), that i don't believe anyone would try that strategy.
> Maybe I should say something here about ordinary Condorcet's
> favorite-burial need:
>
> Say that you top-rank Compromise, and 2nd-rank Favorite. Compromise is
> going to win as CWv (voted CW).
>
> But then you (and a few other voters who vote like you) decide to rank
> Favorite at top, along with Compromise.
>
> Oops!
>
> By voting Compromise over favorite, you had been keeping Favorite from
> pair-beating Compromise. But now that you've moved Favorite to top, you're
> no longer voting Comprmise over favorite. Now Compromise pairwise-beats
> favorite. It happens that Worst pairwise-beats Compromise, and that Worst
> is the winner of the resulting cycle.
it requires pushing it into a cycle. �that is mathematically not an easy or obvious thing to do. �and you have to be in the position to do it (like being a Nader voter who prefers Bush over Gore).
it's not a likely scenario. �not
a convincing objection to Condorcet.
>
> By moving Favorite to the top with Compromise, you've changed the winner
> from Compromise to Worst.
it requires a cycle. �and none of you guys convince me that a cycle is in any way common or straight-forward to create.
>> Something similar can happen if, instead of winning as CW, Compromise was
> merely winning in a cycle, by having the lowest margin-against, if the
> method is Condorcet(margins).
you mean Ranked Pairs (margins). �or do you mean Schulze(margins)?
> By no longer ranking Favorite over
> Compromise, you could spoil that win too, by decreasing the Favorite >
> Compromise total, thereby increasing the margin by which Compromise
> pairbeats Favorite, giving Compromise now a higher margin-against than
> Worst has.
>
sigh. �(gobbledigook.)
> These scenarios can happen only if there's a sincere cycle.
right. �which will likely almost never happen. �and that is because voters on both extremes of the spectrum most often choose the centrist candidate as their second choice. �they do not normally choose the other
extreme as their second choice.
>
> That's because:
>
> If Compromise were the CWs (sincere CW), then your sincere ranking
> obviously can't hurt her win as CWv.
>
> If someone else is CWs, then, in Condorcet(wv) the only way you could
> chanage the winner from hir to Compromise would be by burial. (In
> Condorcet(margins) you could do it by truncation.)
>
> So there has to be a cycle.
yes. �and cycles are not and will not be common. �so the virtue of Condorcet over other methods should be considered mostly outside of the consideration of cycles. �
>
> Sincere cycles are evidently rare (at least in the current (probably
> inauthentic) political system. Maybe in an authentic political system (one
> free of media disinformation and count-fraud) there wouldn't be a
> 1-dimensional political spectrum, and cycles wouldn't be unusual.
>
> Anyway, there are insincere cycles too. Strategic cycles. Burial strategy
> is by no means out of the question. Burial will make a cycle...like the one
> that Condorcet's FBC failure needs.
but it is not a "secure" strategy. �if some side wants to game the system to elect their candidate by causing a cycle, that means **they** (their own voters) have to organize to insincerely mark their ballots how?? �by bumping down
their favorite? �NO. �by bumping up their 3rd favorite to their second choice. �that 3rd choice might be the candidate they hate the most. �it's quite a risk to bump up your most disliked candidate in a ruse to try to swing the election into a cycle. �and quite a stretch
that such a strategy will succeed at electing your guy that was otherwise not the CW.
> We've discussed, on EM, how you can protect the CWs from burial (in wv or
> margins) by moving that CWs up to 1st-place.
again, it requires people knowing in advance who the CW will be. �and then bumping that CW up over your favorite only serves to harm your favorite. �to what end? �to prevent Satan from election?
> But, if not enough
people do
> that, then you could need to rank the CWs over your favorite, to prevent
> successful burial of the CWs under your favorite.
if you want your favorite to beat the CW, whomever the CW is, what's wrong with that? �if burying the CW under your favorite has the effect of electing the least favorite candidate, that is too convoluted a strategy to depend on for
gain, considering the risk.
> Yes, if the method is Condorcet(wv) (but not Condorcet(margins),
you mean Tideman Ranked-Pairs, no? �or Schulze?
> the burial
> can likewise be thwarted (& penalized) if the people who prefer the CWs to
> the buriers' candidate refuse to rank the buriers' candidate.
>
> Of course then they need to know or guess who's the CWs, and who's going to
> bury. Yes, that's predictive information. Their defensive of the CWs is
> tactical strategy that depends on good predictive information.
>
> If you're going to use Condorcet, then you'd better be good at tactical
> strategy, and have good predictive information.
that's just not true and the gobblegook does nothing to support that.
>
> (Well, admittedly, the fact that you'll truncate the (guessed) buriers'
> candidate if you prefer the (guessed) CWs to hir can (but might not) deter
> burial, because the would-be buriers don't have better predictive
> information than you do.)
>
> But, if the expected or evident CWs (CWse) is in the would-be buriers'
> bottom-set, then they don't really care if their burial is penalized by the
> election of a different (negligibly worse) bottom-set member.
>
> What happens then? A burial-fest resembling a sharks' feeding-frenzy. I
> call it the "perpetual burial fiasco".
>
> 'Round about that time, you'd be wishing that the election were an Approval
> election.
>
> Let's not kid ourselves that Condorcet is free of strategy.
i suggest that you not kid yourself that any of your scenarios are likely. �if you want some good numbers, look at Burlington. �two straightforward elections with ranked ballots. �first time the IRV and Condorcet
winner was the same candidate. �second time there was *still* a clear Condorcet winner (even though he was not elected). �are you saying that some strategy was likely used to make the CW appear to be the CW when he was something else? �that is goofy.
>
> So:
>
> You can change the winner from Compromise to Worst by moving Favorite to
> top alongside Compromise. ...but also especially more likely by ranking
> Favorite over Compromise.
>
> As I said, burial strategy isn't out of the question, and the need to vote
> insincerely, as described above, isn't out of the question either.
>
> That's why some of us offer ranking-methods that meet FBC.
>
> That's why IC Condorcet is offered, to bring FBC to Condorcet.
>
> For instance, IC Condorcet could consist of IC RP.
>
> RP(wv) is much better than RC(margins), because RC(wv) is completely
> truncation-proof, whereas RC(margins) leaves the CWs completely vulnerable
> to truncation, whether strategic or innocent.
>
> Also, RP(margins) loses FBC in more scenarios than does RC(wv).
>
> Steve Eppley's MAM is just RC(wv) with Steve's clever way of avoiding some
> problems and meeting more criteria in small electorates.
>
> So, if you insist on Condorcet (and are therefore willing to give up
> chicken-dilemma protection), then consider IC MAM.
>
> The version of Condorcet Criterion that IC MAM meets is arguably better and
> more meaningful than the ordinary Condorcet Criterion.
>
> ...but while IC Condorcet meets FBC, it still has chicken-dilemma, as does
> Approval.
>
> So we offer MDDA(pt/2), MMPO(pt/2), and IC,MMPO.
>
> ...which meet FBC and don't have a chicken-dilemma problem.
blah-blah-woof-woof.
now i skipped over all of this gobbledegook above.
>
> [Replying a little farther down] :
>
>
>> > Approve only your favorite if you insist on voting tactically (based on
>> > predictive information) and if it looks as if your favorite has a win.
>> >
>> > Is that a problem to you?
>>
>> **what** predictive information?? the polls??? have you learned nothing
>> in the last two weeks?
>>
>
> There was nothing for me to learn in the past 2 weeks, because what
> happened in the past 2 weeks exemplifies what I've been saying all along.
>
plonk.
> You haven't been reading my postings,�
can't imagine why i haven't been. �(consider the ratio of payoff to time invested.)
�
i am not reading a word below. �there is just too much crap and you still cannot answer my concise point about why Approval
*inherently* requires tactical voting.
�
so below is unread, Mike. �you need to learn how to separate the kernel from chaff to make your case.
�
r b-j
�
�
or you'd know that I'm the one who
> has been saying that the media's intentionally disinformational predictive
> information is no good.
>
> So, in Approval, forget all about tactical voting and predictive
> information.
>
> I said, "Just vote (only) for your strong top-set".
>
> By the definition of the strong top-set, electing from it, instead of your
> strong bottom-set, is incomparably more important than the matter of
> _which_ strong top-set wins.
>
> And, if you insist on trying to choose among your strong top-set, then you
> increase the probability of electing from your strong bottom-set.
>
> And if you don't have strong top & bottom sets? You do, in our state &
> national elections (the elections that most matter), at least in our
> current, probably phony, political system.
>
> Likely, in a better world, the kind that has honest media and
> vote-counting, your bottom-set candidates & parties would no longer be in
> the elections. The bottom-set is likely an artifact of a phony political
> system.
>
> But, if you didn't have strong top & bottom sets, then what?
>
> Then, maybe, under those conditions we'd have honest media, and good
> predictive information, for one thing. ...on which to base good tactical
> expectation-maximizing strategy.
>
> But what if there were no strong top & bottom sets, and also there were no
> good predictive information?
>
> 1. Look, if it's difficult to decide what set of candidates you consider
> top-set, the better set that deserves approval, then it doesn't make a
> whole lot of difference how you choose between those sets that you're
> indifferent between. So don't worry about it. If all the candidates are so
> good that there's no strong bottom-set, then just be glad of that, and take
> your best guess for your approval-set, because it doesn't matter much under
> those conditions.
>
> 2. That said, there's a way to make an especially good guess: There's
> 0-info expectation-maximizing strategy. ...but only if you want to use
> it. I emphasize that you needn't bother with it. It's only for people who
> like strategy and want to use it (though they don't need to), to make their
> best guess. But one guess is reallly as good as another when you're
> basically indifferent between the various possible approval-sets.
>
>
> But there's no reason to believe that media disinformation, & media
> exclusion of candidates & policy-solutions other than those of the 1% are
> the only tactic in use. With our unverifiable vote-count, and the plentiful
> evidence of presidential election count-fraud in 2000 & 2004, there's no
> reason to believe that count-fraud isn't a main routine tactic of our
> rulers.
>
> I mean, given all the mass killing that the 1% (or less) ruling-families &
> their employees don't mind doing to gain more power & more wealth, does
> anyone think that they'd be willing to let themselves be voted out of
> office, or to take any chance of that? Why should they leave anything to
> chance, or to us voters? Count-fraud, at least whenever needed, is an
> obvious part of their optimal strategy.
>
> You wrote:
>
>> voters shouldn't have to worry about "predictive information" in casting
>> their vote. they should not have to face tactical voting in the polls in
>> any common case.
>>
> Exactly. That's one reason why like Approval, and why I agree with David
> that it's the best method (except that chicken-dilemma protected methods do
> bring some improvement).
>
> I discussed that in more detail a few paragraphs above, in my previous long
> comment just before this one.
>
> This posting is already long, so I'll just post it now, as Part 1.
>
> Part 2 will follow, tomorrow.
>
> I re-emphasize, don't shut me out just yet, because I recognize that the
> discussion of the choice between ranking-methods is more important than the
> discussion of Approval vs ranking. ...and my post on the choice between
> ranking-methods will follow the replies to the posting that I'm now
> replying to.
>
> Michael Ossipoff
>
> (This concludes Part 1 of this reply. Part 2 of this reply will be along
> tomorrow morning.)
>
> (I don't have a convenient way to delete text, but all of this postings
> replies are above this point).
>
>
>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> >
>> > Ii suggest that if you're a progressive, then there are a large set of
>> > candidates whom you so much prefer to the alternatives, that your best
>> > strategy is to approve them all.
>>
>> that is not the fact. how can you tell that to a naive voter, "just
>> approve them all"???
>>
>>
>>
>> >> Voters don't want their second-choice to beat their first-choice. How do
>> >> they stop that from happening? (By bullet-voting their first choice, and
>> >> that devolves Approval into Plurality.)
>> >>
>> >
>> > You're worrying too much about voting _among_ the best candidates.
>>
>> the voter shouldn't have to worry AT ALL. let the voter just inform the
>> poll what their contingency votes are.
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> >If
>> > there's a set of candidates who are qualitatively the best, incomparably
>> > better than the rest, then your best strategy is to maximize the
>> > probability that one of them will win. That doesn't include voting
>> _among_
>> > them. Just vote _for_ them.
>>
>> and maybe the voter will find out they helped their less-preferred
>> candidate beat their more-preferred candidate. sure, that'll make the
>> voter feel like their vote is effective!
>>
>>
>> > In any case, I don't recommend tactical voting (voting based on
>> predictive
>> > information)...partly because the corporate mass-media's predictive
>> > information is disinformational,
>>
>> no shit. but that still does nothing to relieve the voter of the tactical
>> pressure because they **want** their favorite candidate to win, they don't
>> want their contingency candidate to beat their favorite. but they also
>> want their contingency candidate to beat their most-hated candidate if the
>> election comes down to that. Approval does **nothing** to help them
>> express that contingency.
>>
>> >in the service of the people who "own" the
>> > mass media.
>> >
>> > ...but also partly because it's most to your advantage to just approve
>> the
>> > whole set of candidates that's qualitatively, incomparably, better than
>> the
>> > alternatives. ...to maximize the probability that one of that strong
>> > top-set will win.
>> >
>> > (But until we have verifiable vote-counting, of course the voting system
>> is
>> > irrelevant, as is the voting.)
>>
>> totally different topic. (everyone should adopt optical-scan paper
>> ballots.)
>>
>> precinct summability is necessary. IRV and Bucklin don't have it, but
>> Condorcet (as well as Plurality) do have it.
>>
>>
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >> > Equal-rank approval votes mean
>> >> > voters don't get the option to express their preferred ranking, but
>> >> because
>> >> > of that, they aren't at all motivated to bias their ranking
>> dishonestly.
>> >>
>> >> That's baloney. They may very-well not Approve of their second-choice
>> >> candidate (whom they do actually approve of) to protect their
>> first-choice
>> >> candidate.
>> >>
>> > If they strongly approve of their 2nd choice, but not their 3rd choice,
>> > then they'll approve their 2nd choice.
>>
>> unless they worry about their 2nd choice beating their 1st choice.
>>
>> > In our actual candidate lineup, the
>> > merit differences among the progressives are negligible in comparison to
>> > the big gulf of a merit difference between them and the Republocrats.
>> >
>> > Don't worry about it so much. Just approve all of the best.
>>
>> you're repeated assurances are hollow. just like Rob Richie.
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >>
>> >> > They only have to decide which candidates to approve, or where the
>> >> cut-off
>> >> > is between approval and disapproval.
>> >>
>> >> No. That is a falsehood.
>> >>
>> >> They have to consider whether or not their second-choice candidate has a
>> >> chance of beating their first-choice. And they have to consider whether
>> or
>> >> not their third-choice has a chance of beating either their
>> second-choice
>> >> or their first-choice. And then they have to decide if that risk is
>> worth
>> >> it to Approve their second or third choices.
>> >>
>> > No, they don't have to do any of that. They don't have to try to vote
>> > tactically.
>>
>> bullshit. you have no right to tell a voter what his or her interests
>> are. they **may** have to consider voting tactically because they want
>> their favorite candidate to win. but, if their favorite is a poor showing,
>> they also don't want their contingency candidate to lose to their hated
>> candidate.
>>
>> telling them "You don't have to try to vote tactically" is hollow. it's
>> like saying "Don't worry. Any of the candidates are okay."
>>
>>
>>
>> > Partly because there's no reliable information on which to base
>> > tactical voting,
>>
>> which is just one reason we should relieve voters of that burden.
>> tactical voting is **not** a perk. it's a burden. no one feels good
>> about it.
>>
>> > and partly because their best strategy is just to approve
>> > all of the set that is incomparably, qualitatively better than the other
>> > candidates.
>>
>> says YOU.
>>
>> you cannot tell voters what their best strategy is and they find out later
>> that following your glib assurance screwed them. that is what FairVote did
>> with Burlington and there was a city that was quite pissed. we called it
>> the "IRV Happy Talk".
>>
>> you are no authority to advise voters what their best strategy is. the
>> best we can do is give them an voting system that normally requires no
>> strategy of voters nor benefits voters from using strategy. after a few
>> generations, Duverger's Law will be forgotten and they can confidently
>> simply vote their political expression.
>>
>>
>> >
>> >>
>> >>
>> >>
>> >> Robert says:
>> >>
>> >
>> >
>> > I think most of your gushing for Approval voting is not well-founded.
>> What
>> > if the voter prefers Candidate A as their favorite, but suspects that
>> > Candidate B and Candidate C are the leading candidates? How should that
>> > voter vote with an Approval ballot? Please answer that question with
>> > specifics.
>> >
>> > [endquote]
>> >
>> > We'd need better "specifics" about the situation that you've incompletely
>> > described. It depends on how much you like A better than B & C, and how
>> > much you like A & B better than C.
>> >
>>
>> NO, we DON'T. that is your failure. you cannot force voters to research
>> these "specifics".
>>
>> All the voter knows is that he/she prefers A above all others. If he/she
>> can't get A, then they'll take B. If they can't get A or B, then they'll
>> settle for C. But this voter really doesn't want to help candidate D at
>> all. The only ballot that expresses the will of this voter is the Ranked
>> Ballot. Approval does not gather enough information (forcing the voter to
>> vote tactically) and Score requires too much information (also forcing the
>> voter to score tactically). With the exceptions of goofy things coming out
>> of a cycle (which would be rare), only Condorcet resolves that election in
>> exactly the same manner as would a Simple Majority race between two
>> candidates with equal weighting for all voters. Only Condorcet does that.
>>
>>
>>
>> > You don't mention any set's qualitative or incomparable better-ness,and
>> you
>> > suggest that there's good predictive information that the winner will be
>> B
>> > or C.
>>
>> i am saying the voters should not be required to have "good predictive
>> information" for them to vote their interests. And no political group
>> should benefit from "good predictive information". That's the Duverger
>> issue. It's because, with plurality voting, "good predictive information"
>> tells voters that one of the two major party candidates is expected to win,
>> so that their vote for third-party or independent is wasted.
>>
>>
>> > So, if you don't have a strong top or bottom set, and the merit
>> differences
>> > between your successive choices are uniform, and if there's reliable
>> > predictive information that the winner will be B or C, then of course
>> > approving {A,B} is a good way to vote.
>>
>> But you DON'T necessarily know that and you shouldn't burden the voter
>> with that tactical need. They shouldn't have to be thinking "Hmmmm, what
>> would be a good way to vote to benefit my political interest?" That's your
>> problem and you do NOTHING to address it.
>>
>>
>> > But in our actual political lineup, the media have people believing that
>> > there are 2 parties that always must and will win. Say your favorite is
>> > Jill Stein, and that the other 2 candidates are Hillary & Donald. You're
>> > told that only Hillary &I Donald are well-liked by everyone enough so
>> that
>> > one of those two beloved and popular candidates is sure to win.
>> >
>> > For one thing, you should find something fishy about such a claim,
>>
>> You are expecting too much from voters. Voting should not be a political
>> science exam. It's a **service** to voters, not a **burden** for voters.
>> Or at least it should be.
>>
>> > given
>> > what is known about those 2 candidates being the most despised
>> presidential
>> > candidates in this country's history.
>> >
>> > For another thing, the merit of Jill is so much greater than that of
>> > Hillary or Donald that, no matter what your'e told or believe about
>> > predictive information, your best strategy is to vote for the only
>> > acceptable, honest and progressive, genuinely pro-people candidate.
>> >
>> > That latter interpretation of your scenario is the one that you probably
>> > intended, because it's the one that actually obtains in elections here.
>>
>> with your own words, you are making it clear that voters will have to
>> explicitly consider strategy when voting in an Approval system.
>>
>> Again, you cannot simply answer the question: "What should the voter do
>> with their second-favorite candidate?"
>>
>> With Ranked-Choice Voting, the answer is clear (they mark their
>> second-favorite with a "2").
>>
>> With Approval Voting, the voter has a tactical burden deciding whether or
>> not to approve their second-choice. And with Score Voting, the voter has a
>> tactical burden deciding how much to score their second-choice.
>>
>> Mike, you did nothing but verify my objections to Approval voting for
>> governmental elections.
>>
>>
>> --
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> r b-j rbj@audioimagination.com
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> "Imagination is more important than knowledge."
>>
>> ----
>> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info
>>
>>
>
--
�
r b-j � � � � � � � � �rbj@audioimagination.com
�
"Imagination is more important than knowledge."
MO
Michael Ossipoff
Wed, Nov 23, 2016 3:58 PM
Thanks very much for your extensive responses. Much for me to dig into
and think more about.
First I'd like to reiterate a couple points, hoping to get more feedback
on them.
One of the things I want to see more discussion about, and I have failed
to receive much feedback on this anywhere I bring it up, perhaps because it
is just too dang hard, is that we need to investigate and understand the
long-term effects of applying each voting system.
In EM discussion, and probably at the Center for Election Science too,
people have talked about why Approval will soon (if not immediately) home
in on the voter-median and then stay there.
Also, in the long-term, the chicken-dilemma problem is less, because the
Tit-For-Tat strategy is available, and because, in any case, defection will
obviously have undesirable consequences for a faction that might later need
the other faction's help.
Let me broaden this a bit to understanding how a voting system works
within the context of the rest of the constitution and the society as a
whole as they co-evolve.
That covers a lot of territory, and any number of things could be said.
In the bottom-up system of government, the elections take place in
meeting-rooms, and so count-fraud isn't the problem that it could otherwise
be if there one big national election.
(But the problem isn't insoluble in an at-top national election. Public
ballot-imaging solves the problem.)
Also, each local or intermediate regional assembly could use whatever
voting system it wants to. It wouldn't be necessary for any national
agreement on a voting-system, or any agreement on a voting system other
than within any particular local or intermediate regional assemblly.
Of course, if desired, there could be a national agreement on a
voting-system.
In fact the voting could (but of course needn't) be by show of hands.
And to do this, starting from the relatively simple criteria for
evaluating voting systems that we still seem to have lots of disagreements
about, can we somehow leap beyond that narrow view to say much at all about
how the voters, candidates, and society as a whole will change in response
to the constraints imposed by the voting system? We need to try to do
this, right?
The existence of democracy at all would make a much bigger difference than
the matter of which good voting-system is used. A good voting-system is
part of democracy, but the crucial requirements are verifiable, and thereby
honest, vote-counting, and an honest, open, participatory, and agenda-free
media system.
Other than saying that the country would be incomparably better if we had
democracy, there's little that can be predicted.
I suspect that there would soon no longer be any such thing as a strong
bottom-set. I suggest that the strong bottom-set is an artifact of a phony
political system. Progressives' strong bottom-set candidates & parties
would no longer be at all winnable, and would therefore no longer be in the
elections.
Maybe consider an analogy with weather and climate. Weather is what
happens in each election. Climate is what happens over many elections.
I imagine even plurality was expected to be a good enough voting system,
but despite the intention by at least some of the framers of the US
constitution to avoid political parties, they emerged as a dominant force
anyway. Should they have known this was likely to happen? Could they have
known with a little study? Can we do better now?
There's no need to get rid of political parties.A party consists of a
section of the population that summarizes its proposals in a platform.
There's nothing wrong with that. It simplifies voting, with relatively few
platforms to choose from. But there'd be nothing preventing one individual
from running as an independent, with hir own platform.
If people want to elect an independent in some election(s), then they will.
I'd like to claim, and help other people understand, that Approval Voting
is not just one of the best voting systems but unquestionably far and away
the best, at least for current society and technology, both of which are
still surprisingly, um, easily confused. But I say this not just because
of the characteristics voting systems in each single election, but also
because I am projecting how the repeated application of voting systems
changes things. And I like where Approval Voting appears likely take us.
And this leads to the second main point that I believe needs some more
discussion, which is the context for deciding on which voting system we
want to use based on where it is likely to take us and, moreover, where we
want to go.
I don't think that it's possible to predict the details of where society
would go if there were democracy, or to plan those details in advance. One
thing for certain is that it would become a society of, by, and for the
99%, instead of the 1%.
I believe the voting system is not a small matter, not just a fine detail
that can be addressed later when considering how a constitution may play
out, but it is a fundamental building block
Things would go more smoothly with a method free of chicken-dilemma. A
method that has chicken-dilemma could sometimes have a bit of confrontation
and non-cooperation between factions that need eachother's help, though
that would be just in temporary instances.
But I don't call chicken-dilemma a "problem" for Approval--only a nuisance.
Obviously a method that meets FBC will elicit more sincere ballots, and
will progress faster toward what people want.
So I suggest that the best voting-systems are those that meet FBC & don't
have a chicken-dilemma problem.
I said that I agree that Approval is the best. When a chicken-dilemma-proof
rank method is used, the best way for a voter to use it is to use it as
Approval, at least when there are strong top & bottom sets. ...ordinarily
using only top & bottom rank. ...but using 2nd-rank demotion for
chicken-dilemma defection-deterrence.
And when such a method is used in that way, it can be regarded as an
Approval version, which means that it can still be said that Approval is
the best.
Without strong top & bottom sets, maybe it could be desirable to vote a
full ranking.
, at the level of an atom, and what we can build out of it depends
critically on which atoms we have available to us. So we need to consider
both extremes together, both the goal of what we want to build, and given
that, how do we expect to get there and what can we start with that will
allow us to get there.
That's the subject of party platforms. Democracy Chronicles' 3rd-Party
Central lists many parties, shows their logos, and links to their
platforms. Click on the link below, and, when you get there, scroll down a
few screens, past the articles, to The American Opposition. Then scroll
down to section #2, Nonsocialist Progressive Parties. That's the first
section that lists progressive parties.
https://democracychronicles.com/third-party-central/
Perhaps this is too much to discuss in this list that is focused on
election methods. Maybe we don't need to debate where we want to go, which
admittedly is a huge subject, but I think we should want to understand
where we are likely to go based on the voting system(s) we choose.
...wherever we want to, if we ever get democracy. That's the best answer
that can be given at present.
Polls (honest ones) give us a hint about what people want. If you listen to
NPR, or other corporate-rich propaganda outlets, you might believe that the
population are about evenly divided between preferring the Democrats and
preferring the Republicans :^)
But honest polls, when not specifically presented to partisan
organizations, tell a different story.
My 23-candidate, 19-party poll at Condorcet Internet Voting Service (CIVS)
is an such a poll.
Bernie Sanders was the CWv. Removing Bernie as a candidate, Jill Stein is
the CWv.
They both pairbeat Hillary by a large factor.
The lowest-finishing socialist pairbeat Trump by a factor of 2 to 1.
The lowest-finishing socialist pairbeat the highest-finishiing Republican
by a factor of 1.5 to 1.
In such polls, the usual CWv is the Green candidate, or someone like Nader
or Bernie. The Republicans are always at the bottom.
And maybe not right now, but when it comes up, when it is relevant in
future discussions.
A few more comments are embedded below.
On Mon, Nov 21, 2016 at 2:51 AM, Michael Ossipoff email9648742@gmail.com
wrote:
Daniel--
Well-said.
Short answer: You're right. There are a lot of reasons why Approval is
the best.
As you suggested, people in this country are subject to the
"lesser-of-2-evils problem". With Approval, even if someone feels a need to
fully support a bad compromise like Hillary Clinton, at least s/he has no
reason to not also approve hir favorite, Jill.Stein.
Maybe compromise is always an essential ingredient. That is, maybe it can
never enough to just order your preferences in isolation from everyone
else. Instead, we have to be at least a little bit strategic, guessing
where your favorite candidate is relative to other candidates in the view
of other voters.
Maybe in the general case, if reliable predictive information is available.
But in the current supposed political system, progressives have a strong
top-set and a strong bottom-set, and that greatly simplifies voting in
Approval, or any voting-system that allows equal top-ranking and meets FBC.
And this compromise should not be viewed as a bad thing but a good thing.
Even under these supposed conditions, there's still compromise, because
some of your strong top-set candidates are more favorite to you than others
of them.
[Replying farther down] :
Some people complain that Approval prevents that person from expressing
their preference for Jill over Hillary.
What they're missing is that there are some people who, with any method
that fails FBC, would feel forced to rank Hillary alone in 1st place, just
as you said.
FBC (Favorite Burial Criterion) is a criterion that says:
aka Favorite-Betrayal - I had to look it up :)
To top-vote a candidate means to not vote anyone over hir, and to vote
hir over someone.
Say you top-vote some candidates, and one of them would win. But then you
move another candidate up to top, and the result is that now none of your
top-voted candidates wins (including the new one), and now the winner is
someone you didn't top-vote.
FBC says that shouldn't happen. Raising an additional candidate to top
shouldn't change the winner from someone you top-voted to someone you
didn't top-vote.
In other words, it should be completely safe to top-vote Favorite,
without fear that doing so could change the winner from (top-voted)
Compromise to Worst.
FBC does seem to me to be a criteria we must not violate. Without it, we
are essentially punishing people for expressing their favorite.
It's obvious that Approval meets FBC. Overcompromisers badly need a voting
From the term, it sounds like "overcompromisers" are doing something wrong.
I'm not saying that they're doing something immoral or unethical. They're
doing something that's contrary to their own interest. They're doing
something gullible. They're being led by the nose. They're being suckered.
They're watching too much TV, or listening to too much NPR.
Do you mean them to be just an element of society, one end of the
spectrum from over- to under- compromisers?
Sure, rival (similar) parties that would be unwilling to approve eachother
could be called "undercompromisers."
[Replying farther down] :
Acknowledging the reality that voters are not ideal shoppers will help us
move forward.
Approval isn't the only method that meets FBC, but it's of course by far
the most easily-implemented voting system that's any good.
And that is very important. Given the difficulty of even getting people
to understand Approval, I will be overjoyed when we are finally are using
it.
Yes.
This concludes Part 1 of this reply. Part 2 will be along later today,
tonight, or tomorrow morning at the latest.
Michael Ossipoff
(I don't have a way to delete text. All of my replies in this posting are
above this point.)
There are other reasons why Approval is the best:
If you're a progressive (and everyone in the 99% would benefit
tremendously from an honest, progressive government), then there are two
blatantly, sharply-distinct sets of candidates: Progressives and
Republocrats. It's a matter of honest & progressive, vs corrupt, dishonest
and corporate-owned.
That's an instance of what I call a "strong top-set" and a "strong
bottom-set", defined as follows:
A strong top-set and a strong bottom-set are two sets of candidates such
that the merit difference between the sets is incomparably more important
than the merit difference within the sets.
In other words the merit difference within the sets is entirely
negligible in comparison to the merit difference between the sets.
Your goal, then, is just to elect from your strong top-set.
That's innomparably more important than choosing among your strong
top-set, or trying to keep one strong bottom-set member from winning
instead of another strong bottom-set member.
...and of course it's the strong top-set that you prefer to the strong
bottom-set.
Approval could be called "Set-Voting". It's a perfect match for what you
want to do: Maximize the probability of electing from your strong top-set.
Approval asks the right question.
For the person who has a strong top-set and a strong bottom-set, it's
possible to say what the objective best method is: It's Approval.
What about for people who do not have such a clear distinction between the
top and bottom sets? Where they draw the line is a harder decision and
will probably factor in the likelihood that various candidates will win.
Now, some people want to have it both ways. They want to elect from their
strong top-set, but they also want the luxury of choosing among that set.
It doesn't work that way. You can't have it both ways.
If a voting-system allows you a choice between casting an effective
approval-set vote, or ranking the candidates in order of preference , and
you choose the latter, then you're increasing the probability of electing
from your strong bottom-set
I assume you mean ranking candidates honestly. So the choice with a
ranking system seems to come down to:
- Rank honestly and risk electing from the strong bottom-set, or
- Rank strategically by ranking one of the leading candidates in the
top-set higher than your favorite, and risk that your favorite might not
win.
But what happens if you can rank a leading candidate and your favorite the
same? Then you avoid that dilemma, right? This is what happens, in part,
with Approval Voting at least regarding those two candidates. So let me
add this third alternative.
- Rank one of your preferred leading candidates and your favorite
candidate the same, and avoid the above risks.
And if this is true, then my guess is that the same applies to all the
rest of the candidates you might otherwise rank lower. In other words,
giving them all the same rank, as in Approval Voting, avoids the problems
of ranking them according to your honest preferences.
So, rank methods don't improve on Approval. As I said, improvements on
Approval are illusory.
Well, the nearest thing to a "problem" that Approval has is the
chicken-dilemma, and some rank methods can avoid the chicken-dilemma.
That's the only genuine excuse to use a rank-method. There are methods
that both avoid chicken-dilemma, and meet FBC. The best way to use such a
method is to top-rank all of your strong top-set, and not rank any of your
strong bottom-set.
...and, if there's a chicken-dilemma, then you can make use of that
rank-method's way of deterring chicken-dilemma defection...as the only
exception from voting as in Approval, by top-ranking your strong top-set.
That's really the only justification for a rank method.
Maybe the way to consider the chicken dilemma is in the context of what
happens over time. I would expect that repeated applications of Approval
Voting will result in having more candidates run who will appeal to many
more voters. We're not used to thinking in terms of the broad appeal, such
as what Bernie has gotten, and he had a huge struggle just getting noticed,
at first. I expect more like Bernie will come out of the woodwork if they
were rewarded for doing so.
Anyway, the result of having more candidates that most voters like is that
it won't matter so much that there are three candidates who are close
enough in popularity to possibly result in a surprising win by the slightly
less popular candidate.
Then again, the chicken dilemma might be a motivation for cooperating
between similar candidates to pick one of them rather than letting all
run. I.e. parties.
But, for some electorates, maybe ours here, there's a psychological
need for rankings. Some overcompromisers (as I said) would insist on
approving Hillary, along with Jill.
But some of those, if they had a rank-method, would be content to rank
Hillary a little below Jill. For them, the rank method improved their
voting. For that type of overcompromiser, a rank method softens their
voting errors.
Ranking can likewise soften the voting errors of rival parties who are so
inimical (though close in policy proposals) that they'd refuse to approve
eachother in Aproval.
Don't know if I care about such cases. Maybe we should punish (or not
reward) all the rival parties who are so inimical even though they are
close in policy proposals.
Again, I think it is useful to think where Approval Voting, or other
systems, are likely to take us. What we have currently is widely
recognized as an aberration, which is, I believe, a repeated result of the
application of Plurality Voting, which creates two dominant parties that
concentrate more and more over time, as they increasingly ignore the rest
of the people until they can't stand it any longer.
So we shouldn't judge Approval Voting, or other systems, strictly on how
they would respond to our current situation.
So rankings can soften voting errors, for rivals and for some
overcompromisers.
...but not for all overcompromisers. Some overcompromisers are so
overcompromising that the only thing that can keep them from voting
Compromise over Favorite is if they have an opportunity to rank them both
at top, with the assurance that top-voting Favorite can't possibly hurt
Compromise. ....in other words, for them, the method must allow equal
top-voting, and must meet FBC.
As I suggested above. Yeah!
So, what kind of method would meet the needs of both of those 2 kinds of
overcompromisers? It would be a method that allows equal top-voting, meets
FBC, but also allows ranking. ...and preferably it should give good
protection of higher-ranked candidates against lower-ranked ones.
There are a number of good methods that have those attributes. Bucklin is
the familiar one, During the Progressive Era, Bucklin was used in at leasts
39 cities.
There are others too.
I'll have to think about it some more, but I am not sure the complexity of
more than one level of ranking is worth the trouble and risk, especially
for the current level of society. But I wouldn't want to exclude it, if
there is value and it can be applied reliably.
But I've only been talking about the psychological need for ranking.
But I mentioned earlier that, disregarding that psychological need, there's
really only one genuine practical use for a rank-method: Avoiding chicken
dilemma.
Chicken dilemma protection is very costly in terms of problems that come
with it, to the detriment of other properties. ...especially to the
detriment of the method's general protection of higher middle-ranked
candidates against lower-ranked ones and unranked ones.
But, because the chicken dilemma is a genuine reason to use rankings, and
the only genuine reason, I'd prefer to have chicken dilemma protection,even
at the cost of general protection of middle-ranked candidates.
Again, I am not sure the chicken dilemma is necessarily as severe a
problem as you make it sound, once we stabilize around new political
patterns that result from years of Approval Voting, but I'll have to think
about it more.
We've been discussing a few methods that meet FBC, have a way of avoiding
chicken dilemma, and give as good a general protection to mid-ranked
candidates as can be gotten in a method that meets FBC & avoids chicken
dilemma.
They're Simmons' method ( MDDA(pt/2) ), and MMPO(pt/2).
MMPO(pt/2)'s chicken dilemma deterrence is automatic, but its general
protection of middle-ranked candidates is uniformly questionable, chancy,
something of a crapshoot.
Simmons' method does a top job of that general protection for the
middle-ranked candidates against whom you aren't using the chicken-dilemma
defection-deterence measure (...which consists of denying them approval)..
With that, I'll conclude this note.
Michael Ossipoff
On Mon, Nov 21, 2016 at 1:08 AM, Daniel LaLiberte <
daniel.laliberte@gmail.com> wrote:
This message is about two related subjects:
- Factoring in the long-term emergent effects of each voting system.
- An example of how Approval Voting results in better long-term effects.
Among the many criteria for evaluating voting systems (
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voting_system#Evaluating_voti
ng_systems_using_criteria) I don't see any that address the long-term
effects of using each voting system. In other words, the effect on one
election is certainly important, regarding the satisfaction of the election
results by voters and candidates. But I would argue that it is even more
important to consider the long-term effects that emerge when applying a
voting system repeatedly over many elections. A small bias one way or
another may not be very apparent if you only look at one election, but over
may elections, they can add up and perhaps compound the bias exponentially.
There are many long-term effects to consider, but in particular, I am
thinking of one pernicious problem: the tendency for two major parties to
emerge and dominate all politics which results from the repeated
application of plurality voting. This problem is fairly easy for most
people to understand, although I am surprised to see that there seems to be
a lot of denial about this effect as well. Some would even defend having
only two major parties, or very few parties. That is an interesting
subject to discuss, but regardless, I believe we should be aware of how our
choice of a voting system will affect things over time, how society is
likely to evolve based on the rules we lay down, and in fact, how it is
actually very likely that the dominant forces in society will quickly and
vociferously defend whatever rules resulted in their rise to dominance.
But back to this one question, studies and long-term experience have
shown that other voting systems besides plurality, in particular IRV, also
result in the dominance of two major parties. This may be more surprising
to people, but looking at the underlying cause, it seems we can make a
rather important simplifying argument about most voting systems regarding
this problem. I would assert that the underlying cause of this problem of
two-party dominance in any voting system is that it gives voters the
ability to rank or order at least one candidate higher than the rest.
The reason this ability to rank candidates becomes a problem is the
spoiler effect, where voters will have a strong motivation to give their
highest rank to one of the leading candidates. If they don't, then they
weaken the chance of that candidate winning and therefore strengthen the
chance of the less preferred leading candidate. Because one of the leading
candidates is likely to win, all the rest of the rankings of non-leading
candidates hardly matter at all.
In any election, there will be two candidates who are the strongest in
terms of popular support, and thus the most likely to win. Consequently (to
grossly over-simplify the process) with any voting system that permits
ranking, groups of voters will tend to coalesce around support for these
two leading candidates to encourage everyone to support their preferred
leading candidate. Eventually two major parties arise, and everyone who
doesn't join one of these two major parties is excluded.
So once voters and candidates figure this out, any such voting system
ends up devolving into the dominance of two major parties that we get with
simple plurality voting. In fact, one might argue that plurality voting is
better just because it is simpler.
But Approval Voting avoids this problem. Equal-rank approval votes mean
voters don't get the option to express their preferred ranking, but because
of that, they aren't at all motivated to bias their ranking dishonestly.
They only have to decide which candidates to approve, or where the cut-off
is between approval and disapproval.
Given that there are, as before, two leading candidates, how does
Approval Voting affect whether one of those two leading candidates will
win? One of the two leading candidates is likely to win even with Approval
Voting, so it would appear there is no benefit, but that would be a
short-sighted way to judge a voting system. In subsequent elections, it
would seem likely that more candidates will run who have broader appeal to
ALL voters, not just a majority or plurality. Because the winning
candidates will be those who are most approved of by the most voters, there
will be no value in parties that typically focus on appealing to no more
than half of the voters.
So I suspect the long-term use of Approval Voting would be
self-correcting toward better and better representation of ALL voters, not
just half the voters, because in each election, almost all of the voters
contribute to choosing the winning candidates, and that only gets better
over time as the candidates who decide to run get closer to receiving the
approval of all voters.
Can any other voting system claim a similar long-term effect? Even a
voting system with three ranks, e.g. Approve, Neutral, Disapprove, would
encourage voters to approve one of the leading candidates, and give neutral
or disapprove votes to the rest. I wonder if Approval Voting might be the
ONLY system that has this long-term effect.
What I am aiming for is a voting system that self-corrects over time.
No matter what voting system we choose, there is probably always going to
be at least some small bias, some inequities or incompleteness. So we need
to understand this and deal with it.
But one important question should not be overlooked: What do we want to
self-correct toward? That is, what is the long-term goal? I believe we
should want to move toward a closer or better representation of society as
a whole, but there are other ways to look at that.
Looking forward to reading your feedback.
--
Daniel LaLiberte
daniel.laliberte@gmail.com
Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list
info
On Tue, Nov 22, 2016 at 2:33 AM, Daniel LaLiberte <
daniel.laliberte@gmail.com> wrote:
> Thanks very much for your extensive responses. Much for me to dig into
> and think more about.
>
> First I'd like to reiterate a couple points, hoping to get more feedback
> on them.
>
> One of the things I want to see more discussion about, and I have failed
> to receive much feedback on this anywhere I bring it up, perhaps because it
> is just too dang hard, is that we need to investigate and understand the
> long-term effects of applying each voting system.
>
In EM discussion, and probably at the Center for Election Science too,
people have talked about why Approval will soon (if not immediately) home
in on the voter-median and then stay there.
Also, in the long-term, the chicken-dilemma problem is less, because the
Tit-For-Tat strategy is available, and because, in any case, defection will
obviously have undesirable consequences for a faction that might later need
the other faction's help.
> Let me broaden this a bit to understanding how a voting system works
> within the context of the rest of the constitution and the society as a
> whole as they co-evolve.
>
That covers a lot of territory, and any number of things could be said.
In the bottom-up system of government, the elections take place in
meeting-rooms, and so count-fraud isn't the problem that it could otherwise
be if there one big national election.
(But the problem isn't insoluble in an at-top national election. Public
ballot-imaging solves the problem.)
Also, each local or intermediate regional assembly could use whatever
voting system it wants to. It wouldn't be necessary for any national
agreement on a voting-system, or any agreement on a voting system other
than within any particular local or intermediate regional assemblly.
Of course, if desired, there could be a national agreement on a
voting-system.
In fact the voting could (but of course needn't) be by show of hands.
> And to do this, starting from the relatively simple criteria for
> evaluating voting systems that we still seem to have lots of disagreements
> about, can we somehow leap beyond that narrow view to say much at all about
> how the voters, candidates, and society as a whole will change in response
> to the constraints imposed by the voting system? We need to try to do
> this, right?
>
The existence of democracy at all would make a much bigger difference than
the matter of which good voting-system is used. A good voting-system is
part of democracy, but the crucial requirements are verifiable, and thereby
honest, vote-counting, and an honest, open, participatory, and agenda-free
media system.
Other than saying that the country would be incomparably better if we had
democracy, there's little that can be predicted.
I suspect that there would soon no longer be any such thing as a strong
bottom-set. I suggest that the strong bottom-set is an artifact of a phony
political system. Progressives' strong bottom-set candidates & parties
would no longer be at all winnable, and would therefore no longer be in the
elections.
>
>
> Maybe consider an analogy with weather and climate. Weather is what
> happens in each election. Climate is what happens over many elections.
>
> I imagine even plurality was expected to be a good enough voting system,
> but despite the intention by at least some of the framers of the US
> constitution to avoid political parties, they emerged as a dominant force
> anyway. Should they have known this was likely to happen? Could they have
> known with a little study? Can we do better now?
>
There's no need to get rid of political parties.A party consists of a
section of the population that summarizes its proposals in a platform.
There's nothing wrong with that. It simplifies voting, with relatively few
platforms to choose from. But there'd be nothing preventing one individual
from running as an independent, with hir own platform.
If people want to elect an independent in some election(s), then they will.
>
> I'd like to claim, and help other people understand, that Approval Voting
> is not just one of the best voting systems but unquestionably far and away
> the best, at least for current society and technology, both of which are
> still surprisingly, um, easily confused. But I say this not just because
> of the characteristics voting systems in each single election, but also
> because I am projecting how the repeated application of voting systems
> changes things. And I like where Approval Voting appears likely take us.
>
> And this leads to the second main point that I believe needs some more
> discussion, which is the context for deciding on which voting system we
> want to use based on where it is likely to take us and, moreover, where we
> *want* to go.
>
I don't think that it's possible to predict the details of where society
would go if there were democracy, or to plan those details in advance. One
thing for certain is that it would become a society of, by, and for the
99%, instead of the 1%.
> I believe the voting system is not a small matter, not just a fine detail
> that can be addressed later when considering how a constitution may play
> out, but it is a fundamental building block
>
Things would go more smoothly with a method free of chicken-dilemma. A
method that has chicken-dilemma could sometimes have a bit of confrontation
and non-cooperation between factions that need eachother's help, though
that would be just in temporary instances.
But I don't call chicken-dilemma a "problem" for Approval--only a nuisance.
Obviously a method that meets FBC will elicit more sincere ballots, and
will progress faster toward what people want.
So I suggest that the best voting-systems are those that meet FBC & don't
have a chicken-dilemma problem.
I said that I agree that Approval is the best. When a chicken-dilemma-proof
rank method is used, the best way for a voter to use it is to use it as
Approval, at least when there are strong top & bottom sets. ...ordinarily
using only top & bottom rank. ...but using 2nd-rank demotion for
chicken-dilemma defection-deterrence.
And when such a method is used in that way, it can be regarded as an
Approval version, which means that it can still be said that Approval is
the best.
Without strong top & bottom sets, maybe it could be desirable to vote a
full ranking.
> , at the level of an atom, and what we can build out of it depends
> critically on which atoms we have available to us. So we need to consider
> both extremes together, both the goal of what we want to build, and given
> that, how do we expect to get there and what can we start with that will
> allow us to get there.
>
>
That's the subject of party platforms. Democracy Chronicles' 3rd-Party
Central lists many parties, shows their logos, and links to their
platforms. Click on the link below, and, when you get there, scroll down a
few screens, past the articles, to The American Opposition. Then scroll
down to section #2, Nonsocialist Progressive Parties. That's the first
section that lists progressive parties.
https://democracychronicles.com/third-party-central/
> Perhaps this is too much to discuss in this list that is focused on
> election methods. Maybe we don't need to debate where we want to go, which
> admittedly is a huge subject, but I think we should want to understand
> where we are likely to go based on the voting system(s) we choose.
>
...wherever we want to, if we ever get democracy. That's the best answer
that can be given at present.
Polls (honest ones) give us a hint about what people want. If you listen to
NPR, or other corporate-rich propaganda outlets, you might believe that the
population are about evenly divided between preferring the Democrats and
preferring the Republicans :^)
But honest polls, when not specifically presented to partisan
organizations, tell a different story.
My 23-candidate, 19-party poll at Condorcet Internet Voting Service (CIVS)
is an such a poll.
Bernie Sanders was the CWv. Removing Bernie as a candidate, Jill Stein is
the CWv.
They both pairbeat Hillary by a large factor.
The lowest-finishing socialist pairbeat Trump by a factor of 2 to 1.
The lowest-finishing socialist pairbeat the highest-finishiing Republican
by a factor of 1.5 to 1.
In such polls, the usual CWv is the Green candidate, or someone like Nader
or Bernie. The Republicans are always at the bottom.
>
> And maybe not right now, but when it comes up, when it is relevant in
> future discussions.
>
> A few more comments are embedded below.
>
>
> On Mon, Nov 21, 2016 at 2:51 AM, Michael Ossipoff <email9648742@gmail.com>
> wrote:
>
>>
>> Daniel--
>>
>> Well-said.
>>
>> Short answer: You're right. There are a lot of reasons why Approval is
>> the best.
>>
>> As you suggested, people in this country are subject to the
>> "lesser-of-2-evils problem". With Approval, even if someone feels a need to
>> fully support a bad compromise like Hillary Clinton, at least s/he has no
>> reason to not also approve hir favorite, Jill.Stein.
>>
>
> Maybe compromise is always an essential ingredient. That is, maybe it can
> never enough to just order your preferences in isolation from everyone
> else. Instead, we have to be at least a little bit strategic, guessing
> where your favorite candidate is relative to other candidates in the view
> of other voters.
>
Maybe in the general case, if reliable predictive information is available.
But in the current supposed political system, progressives have a strong
top-set and a strong bottom-set, and that greatly simplifies voting in
Approval, or any voting-system that allows equal top-ranking and meets FBC.
> And this compromise should not be viewed as a bad thing but a good thing.
>
Even under these supposed conditions, there's still compromise, because
some of your strong top-set candidates are more favorite to you than others
of them.
[Replying farther down] :
>
>
>> Some people complain that Approval prevents that person from expressing
>> their preference for Jill over Hillary.
>>
>> What they're missing is that there are some people who, with any method
>> that fails FBC, would feel forced to rank Hillary alone in 1st place, just
>> as you said.
>>
>> FBC (Favorite Burial Criterion) is a criterion that says:
>>
>
> aka Favorite-Betrayal - I had to look it up :)
>
>
>> To top-vote a candidate means to not vote anyone over hir, and to vote
>> hir over someone.
>>
>> Say you top-vote some candidates, and one of them would win. But then you
>> move another candidate up to top, and the result is that now _none_ of your
>> top-voted candidates wins (including the new one), and now the winner is
>> someone you didn't top-vote.
>>
>> FBC says that shouldn't happen. Raising an additional candidate to top
>> shouldn't change the winner from someone you top-voted to someone you
>> didn't top-vote.
>>
>> In other words, it should be completely safe to top-vote Favorite,
>> without fear that doing so could change the winner from (top-voted)
>> Compromise to Worst.
>>
>
> FBC does seem to me to be a criteria we must not violate. Without it, we
> are essentially punishing people for expressing their favorite.
>
> It's obvious that Approval meets FBC. Overcompromisers badly need a voting
>> system that meets FBC.
>>
>
> From the term, it sounds like "overcompromisers" are doing something wrong.
>
I'm not saying that they're doing something immoral or unethical. They're
doing something that's contrary to their own interest. They're doing
something gullible. They're being led by the nose. They're being suckered.
They're watching too much TV, or listening to too much NPR.
> Do you mean them to be just an element of society, one end of the
> spectrum from over- to under- compromisers?
>
Sure, rival (similar) parties that would be unwilling to approve eachother
could be called "undercompromisers."
[Replying farther down] :
> Acknowledging the reality that voters are not ideal shoppers will help us
> move forward.
>
>
>> Approval isn't the only method that meets FBC, but it's of course by far
>> the most easily-implemented voting system that's any good.
>>
>
> And that is very important. Given the difficulty of even getting people
> to understand Approval, I will be overjoyed when we are finally are using
> it.
>
Yes.
This concludes Part 1 of this reply. Part 2 will be along later today,
tonight, or tomorrow morning at the latest.
Michael Ossipoff
(I don't have a way to delete text. All of my replies in this posting are
above this point.)
>
>
>> There are other reasons why Approval is the best:
>>
>> If you're a progressive (and everyone in the 99% would benefit
>> tremendously from an honest, progressive government), then there are two
>> blatantly, sharply-distinct sets of candidates: Progressives and
>> Republocrats. It's a matter of honest & progressive, vs corrupt, dishonest
>> and corporate-owned.
>>
>> That's an instance of what I call a "strong top-set" and a "strong
>> bottom-set", defined as follows:
>>
>> A strong top-set and a strong bottom-set are two sets of candidates such
>> that the merit difference _between_ the sets is incomparably more important
>> than the merit difference _within_ the sets.
>>
>> In other words the merit difference within the sets is entirely
>> negligible in comparison to the merit difference between the sets.
>>
>> Your goal, then, is just to elect from your strong top-set.
>>
>> That's innomparably more important than choosing among your strong
>> top-set, or trying to keep one strong bottom-set member from winning
>> instead of another strong bottom-set member.
>>
>> ...and of course it's the strong top-set that you prefer to the strong
>> bottom-set.
>>
>> Approval could be called "Set-Voting". It's a perfect match for what you
>> want to do: Maximize the probability of electing from your strong top-set.
>>
>> Approval asks the right question.
>>
>> For the person who has a strong top-set and a strong bottom-set, it's
>> possible to say what the objective best method is: It's Approval.
>>
>
> What about for people who do not have such a clear distinction between the
> top and bottom sets? Where they draw the line is a harder decision and
> will probably factor in the likelihood that various candidates will win.
>
>
>
>> Now, some people want to have it both ways. They want to elect from their
>> strong top-set, but they also want the luxury of choosing _among_ that set.
>>
>> It doesn't work that way. You can't have it both ways.
>>
>> If a voting-system allows you a choice between casting an effective
>> approval-set vote, or ranking the candidates in order of preference , and
>> you choose the latter, then you're increasing the probability of electing
>> from your strong bottom-set
>>
>
> I assume you mean ranking candidates honestly. So the choice with a
> ranking system seems to come down to:
>
> 1. Rank honestly and risk electing from the strong bottom-set, or
> 2. Rank strategically by ranking one of the leading candidates in the
> top-set higher than your favorite, and risk that your favorite might not
> win.
>
> But what happens if you can rank a leading candidate and your favorite the
> same? Then you avoid that dilemma, right? This is what happens, in part,
> with Approval Voting at least regarding those two candidates. So let me
> add this third alternative.
>
> 3. Rank one of your preferred leading candidates and your favorite
> candidate the same, and avoid the above risks.
>
> And if this is true, then my guess is that the same applies to all the
> rest of the candidates you might otherwise rank lower. In other words,
> giving them all the same rank, as in Approval Voting, avoids the problems
> of ranking them according to your honest preferences.
>
>
>> So, rank methods don't improve on Approval. As I said, improvements on
>> Approval are illusory.
>>
>> Well, the nearest thing to a "problem" that Approval has is the
>> chicken-dilemma, and some rank methods can avoid the chicken-dilemma.
>>
>> That's the only genuine excuse to use a rank-method. There are methods
>> that both avoid chicken-dilemma, and meet FBC. The best way to use such a
>> method is to top-rank all of your strong top-set, and not rank any of your
>> strong bottom-set.
>>
>> ...and, if there's a chicken-dilemma, then you can make use of that
>> rank-method's way of deterring chicken-dilemma defection...as the only
>> exception from voting as in Approval, by top-ranking your strong top-set.
>>
>> That's really the only justification for a rank method.
>>
>
> Maybe the way to consider the chicken dilemma is in the context of what
> happens over time. I would expect that repeated applications of Approval
> Voting will result in having more candidates run who will appeal to many
> more voters. We're not used to thinking in terms of the broad appeal, such
> as what Bernie has gotten, and he had a huge struggle just getting noticed,
> at first. I expect more like Bernie will come out of the woodwork if they
> were rewarded for doing so.
>
> Anyway, the result of having more candidates that most voters like is that
> it won't matter so much that there are three candidates who are close
> enough in popularity to possibly result in a surprising win by the slightly
> less popular candidate.
>
> Then again, the chicken dilemma might be a motivation for cooperating
> between similar candidates to pick one of them rather than letting all
> run. I.e. parties.
>
>
>
>> But, for some electorates, maybe ours here, there's a _psychological_
>> need for rankings. Some overcompromisers (as I said) would insist on
>> approving Hillary, along with Jill.
>>
>> But some of those, if they had a rank-method, would be content to rank
>> Hillary a little below Jill. For them, the rank method improved their
>> voting. For that type of overcompromiser, a rank method softens their
>> voting errors.
>>
>> Ranking can likewise soften the voting errors of rival parties who are so
>> inimical (though close in policy proposals) that they'd refuse to approve
>> eachother in Aproval.
>>
>>
> Don't know if I care about such cases. Maybe we should punish (or not
> reward) all the rival parties who are so inimical even though they are
> close in policy proposals.
>
> Again, I think it is useful to think where Approval Voting, or other
> systems, are likely to take us. What we have currently is widely
> recognized as an aberration, which is, I believe, a repeated result of the
> application of Plurality Voting, which creates two dominant parties that
> concentrate more and more over time, as they increasingly ignore the rest
> of the people until they can't stand it any longer.
>
> So we shouldn't judge Approval Voting, or other systems, strictly on how
> they would respond to our current situation.
>
>
>
>> So rankings can soften voting errors, for rivals and for some
>> overcompromisers.
>>
>> ...but not for all overcompromisers. Some overcompromisers are so
>> overcompromising that the only thing that can keep them from voting
>> Compromise over Favorite is if they have an opportunity to rank them both
>> at top, with the assurance that top-voting Favorite can't possibly hurt
>> Compromise. ....in other words, for them, the method must allow equal
>> top-voting, and must meet FBC.
>>
>
> As I suggested above. Yeah!
>
>
>
>> So, what kind of method would meet the needs of both of those 2 kinds of
>> overcompromisers? It would be a method that allows equal top-voting, meets
>> FBC, but also allows ranking. ...and preferably it should give good
>> protection of higher-ranked candidates against lower-ranked ones.
>>
>
>
>> There are a number of good methods that have those attributes. Bucklin is
>> the familiar one, During the Progressive Era, Bucklin was used in at leasts
>> 39 cities.
>>
>> There are others too.
>>
>
> I'll have to think about it some more, but I am not sure the complexity of
> more than one level of ranking is worth the trouble and risk, especially
> for the current level of society. But I wouldn't want to exclude it, if
> there is value and it can be applied reliably.
>
>
>
>> But I've only been talking about the _psychological_ need for ranking.
>> But I mentioned earlier that, disregarding that psychological need, there's
>> really only one genuine practical use for a rank-method: Avoiding chicken
>> dilemma.
>>
>> Chicken dilemma protection is very costly in terms of problems that come
>> with it, to the detriment of other properties. ...especially to the
>> detriment of the method's general protection of higher middle-ranked
>> candidates against lower-ranked ones and unranked ones.
>>
>> But, because the chicken dilemma is a genuine reason to use rankings, and
>> the only genuine reason, I'd prefer to have chicken dilemma protection,even
>> at the cost of general protection of middle-ranked candidates.
>>
>
> Again, I am not sure the chicken dilemma is necessarily as severe a
> problem as you make it sound, once we stabilize around new political
> patterns that result from years of Approval Voting, but I'll have to think
> about it more.
>
>
>> We've been discussing a few methods that meet FBC, have a way of avoiding
>> chicken dilemma, and give as good a general protection to mid-ranked
>> candidates as can be gotten in a method that meets FBC & avoids chicken
>> dilemma.
>>
>> They're Simmons' method ( MDDA(pt/2) ), and MMPO(pt/2).
>>
>> MMPO(pt/2)'s chicken dilemma deterrence is automatic, but its general
>> protection of middle-ranked candidates is uniformly questionable, chancy,
>> something of a crapshoot.
>>
>> Simmons' method does a top job of that general protection for the
>> middle-ranked candidates against whom you aren't using the chicken-dilemma
>> defection-deterence measure (...which consists of denying them approval)..
>>
>> With that, I'll conclude this note.
>>
>> Michael Ossipoff
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> On Mon, Nov 21, 2016 at 1:08 AM, Daniel LaLiberte <
>> daniel.laliberte@gmail.com> wrote:
>>
>>> This message is about two related subjects:
>>>
>>> 1. Factoring in the long-term emergent effects of each voting system.
>>> 2. An example of how Approval Voting results in better long-term effects.
>>>
>>> Among the many criteria for evaluating voting systems (
>>> https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voting_system#Evaluating_voti
>>> ng_systems_using_criteria) I don't see any that address the long-term
>>> effects of using each voting system. In other words, the effect on one
>>> election is certainly important, regarding the satisfaction of the election
>>> results by voters and candidates. But I would argue that it is even more
>>> important to consider the long-term effects that emerge when applying a
>>> voting system repeatedly over many elections. A small bias one way or
>>> another may not be very apparent if you only look at one election, but over
>>> may elections, they can add up and perhaps compound the bias exponentially.
>>>
>>> There are many long-term effects to consider, but in particular, I am
>>> thinking of one pernicious problem: the tendency for two major parties to
>>> emerge and dominate all politics which results from the repeated
>>> application of plurality voting. This problem is fairly easy for most
>>> people to understand, although I am surprised to see that there seems to be
>>> a lot of denial about this effect as well. Some would even defend having
>>> only two major parties, or very few parties. That is an interesting
>>> subject to discuss, but regardless, I believe we should be aware of how our
>>> choice of a voting system will affect things over time, how society is
>>> likely to evolve based on the rules we lay down, and in fact, how it is
>>> actually very likely that the dominant forces in society will quickly and
>>> vociferously defend whatever rules resulted in their rise to dominance.
>>>
>>> But back to this one question, studies and long-term experience have
>>> shown that other voting systems besides plurality, in particular IRV, also
>>> result in the dominance of two major parties. This may be more surprising
>>> to people, but looking at the underlying cause, it seems we can make a
>>> rather important simplifying argument about most voting systems regarding
>>> this problem. I would assert that the underlying cause of this problem of
>>> two-party dominance in any voting system is that it gives voters the
>>> ability to rank or order at least one candidate higher than the rest.
>>>
>>> The reason this ability to rank candidates becomes a problem is the
>>> spoiler effect, where voters will have a strong motivation to give their
>>> highest rank to one of the leading candidates. If they don't, then they
>>> weaken the chance of that candidate winning and therefore strengthen the
>>> chance of the less preferred leading candidate. Because one of the leading
>>> candidates is likely to win, all the rest of the rankings of non-leading
>>> candidates hardly matter at all.
>>>
>>> In any election, there will be two candidates who are the strongest in
>>> terms of popular support, and thus the most likely to win. Consequently (to
>>> grossly over-simplify the process) with any voting system that permits
>>> ranking, groups of voters will tend to coalesce around support for these
>>> two leading candidates to encourage everyone to support their preferred
>>> leading candidate. Eventually two major parties arise, and everyone who
>>> doesn't join one of these two major parties is excluded.
>>>
>>> So once voters and candidates figure this out, any such voting system
>>> ends up devolving into the dominance of two major parties that we get with
>>> simple plurality voting. In fact, one might argue that plurality voting is
>>> better just because it is simpler.
>>>
>>> But Approval Voting avoids this problem. Equal-rank approval votes mean
>>> voters don't get the option to express their preferred ranking, but because
>>> of that, they aren't at all motivated to bias their ranking dishonestly.
>>> They only have to decide which candidates to approve, or where the cut-off
>>> is between approval and disapproval.
>>>
>>> Given that there are, as before, two leading candidates, how does
>>> Approval Voting affect whether one of those two leading candidates will
>>> win? One of the two leading candidates is likely to win even with Approval
>>> Voting, so it would appear there is no benefit, but that would be a
>>> short-sighted way to judge a voting system. In subsequent elections, it
>>> would seem likely that more candidates will run who have broader appeal to
>>> ALL voters, not just a majority or plurality. Because the winning
>>> candidates will be those who are most approved of by the most voters, there
>>> will be no value in parties that typically focus on appealing to no more
>>> than half of the voters.
>>>
>>> So I suspect the long-term use of Approval Voting would be
>>> self-correcting toward better and better representation of ALL voters, not
>>> just half the voters, because in each election, almost all of the voters
>>> contribute to choosing the winning candidates, and that only gets better
>>> over time as the candidates who decide to run get closer to receiving the
>>> approval of all voters.
>>>
>>> Can any other voting system claim a similar long-term effect? Even a
>>> voting system with three ranks, e.g. Approve, Neutral, Disapprove, would
>>> encourage voters to approve one of the leading candidates, and give neutral
>>> or disapprove votes to the rest. I wonder if Approval Voting might be the
>>> ONLY system that has this long-term effect.
>>>
>>> What I am aiming for is a voting system that self-corrects over time.
>>> No matter what voting system we choose, there is probably always going to
>>> be at least some small bias, some inequities or incompleteness. So we need
>>> to understand this and deal with it.
>>>
>>> But one important question should not be overlooked: What do we want to
>>> self-correct toward? That is, what is the long-term goal? I believe we
>>> should want to move toward a closer or better representation of society as
>>> a whole, but there are other ways to look at that.
>>>
>>> Looking forward to reading your feedback.
>>>
>>> --
>>> Daniel LaLiberte
>>> daniel.laliberte@gmail.com
>>>
>>> ----
>>> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list
>>> info
>>>
>>>
>>
>
>
> --
> Daniel LaLiberte
> daniel.laliberte@gmail.com
>
MO
Michael Ossipoff
Thu, Nov 24, 2016 11:34 PM
There are other reasons why Approval is the best:
If you're a progressive (and everyone in the 99% would benefit
tremendously from an honest, progressive government), then there are two
blatantly, sharply-distinct sets of candidates: Progressives and
Republocrats. It's a matter of honest & progressive, vs corrupt, dishonest
and corporate-owned.
That's an instance of what I call a "strong top-set" and a "strong
bottom-set", defined as follows:
A strong top-set and a strong bottom-set are two sets of candidates such
that the merit difference between the sets is incomparably more important
than the merit difference within the sets.
In other words the merit difference within the sets is entirely
negligible in comparison to the merit difference between the sets.
Your goal, then, is just to elect from your strong top-set.
That's innomparably more important than choosing among your strong
top-set, or trying to keep one strong bottom-set member from winning
instead of another strong bottom-set member.
...and of course it's the strong top-set that you prefer to the strong
bottom-set.
Approval could be called "Set-Voting". It's a perfect match for what you
want to do: Maximize the probability of electing from your strong top-set.
Approval asks the right question.
For the person who has a strong top-set and a strong bottom-set, it's
possible to say what the objective best method is: It's Approval.
What about for people who do not have such a clear distinction between the
top and bottom sets?
Yes, that situation could exist when we have democracy, and an authentic
political system. Then, as I mentioned, members of the 99% likely wouldn't
have a bottom-set, because the Republocrats would no longer be winnable,
and would no longer be in the elections.
Where they draw the line is a harder decision and will probably factor in
the likelihood that various candidates will win.
Yes, if such information is available. But now, with our intentionally
disinformational media, there isn't any predictive information that's any
good.
...except for the few honest polls that aren't so blatantly avoidably
sample-biased.
I discussed one such in my previous reply. But few people ever hear of
those polls, and, for most people, the mass-media are the
information-source. For those people, it's definitely a 0-info election.
That's why I'd urge people to just disregard purported predictive
"information", if we were to somehow get Approval voting now.
Say your preferences are A>B>C, and you have good reliable information that
A won't be competitive, and that it will effectively be between only B & C.
Then, if you don't have strong top & bottom sets, and therefore you're
voting to maximize your expectation, then you'd of course approve both A &
B.
In general, absent strong top & bottom sets, you'd vote to maximize your
expectation. Specifically, if you additionally have good predictive
information, you'd use it, as described immediately above.
But, for these days, forget about the election really being between two
purported frontrunners.
So then, what do you do when there's no good predictive information?
For one thing, the merit differences between successive candidates in your
ranking might not be the same.
Say your merit ranking is A>B>>C, meaning that C is farther below B than B
is below A. Then, given the more important distinction between B and C, as
compared to between A & B. So, with 0-info, it would be natural to approve
both A & B.
Other ways of looking at 0-info strategy:
With no strong top & bottom sets, you could still vote to maximize your
expectation, with a 0-info strategy:
Given some way (that I'll get to in a minute) to estimate what is the
likely result-merit to expect, then you can maximize your expectation by
approving down to that merit-level. Why that's so:
If a certain merit is expected for the result, then of course if you
approve someone better than that, you raise your expectation some. And if
you approve someone worse than that, then you worsen your expectation.
So you can maximize your expectation by approving (only) all of the
candidates who are better than the expected result-merit.
So how would you estimate the expected result-merit, in a 0-info election?:
Several estimates are suggested, the choice depending on your assumption
about how the candidate-distribution is related to the voter-distribution.
It isn't certain whether your approval cutoff should the mean, the median,
or the midrange of the candidates' merit.
If you don't believe that the candidates' distribution is close to the
voters' distribution (and if a 1-dimensional political spectrum is
assumed), then it's probably best to approve down to the midrange of the
candidates' merit.
That's a rough estimate of the merit-level where the middle of the
voting-population is, and is a rough estimate of your expected
result-merit. ...the point that you want to approve down to.
But, if there's some reason to believe that the candidate-distribution is
similar to the voter-distribution, then the mean or median could be better.
If voters & candidates are similarly distributed, candidates tending to be
where voters are, then each candidate would have similar proximity to the
same number of voters, makinig them all equally likelly to win. That's the
assumption that justifies the candidate merit-mean as the expected
result-merit and a good approval cutoff.
It might not be easy to estimate the candidate merit-mean, in which case
the median could be used. The median could be used as an estimate of the
mean. Then, just approve the best half of the candidates.
That's a reasonable estimate, because, if voters & candidates have the same
distsribution, then the merit-region with half of the candidates could be
expected to contain half of the voters.
So that's how you could do expectation-maximization strategy in a 0-info
election.
But I emphasize that, in a 0-info election (or even in any election) it
isn't necessary to do expectation-maximization strategy.
Say, because there aren't strong top & bottom sets, it isn't as obvious
where to put the approval-cutoff. If it's really uncertain whether (for
example) you want to approve {A,B} against {C}, or to approve {A} against
{B,C}.
I point out that, if you don't know which is the set that you want to
approve against the worse candidates, then it doesn't matter. If you
don't know which is better, then is either way of voting better than the
other? I suggest no.
So, if someone isn't interested in expectation-maximization strategy, then
they needn't use it. The strategies that I discussed earlier are only for
people who like them, who like strategy.
...because, if you don't know which way of voting is better, then neither
is better than the other.
You could flp a coin. If the method were Score (which is best regarded as
Approval with fractional approvals allowed), then you could give candidate
B half-maximum points. Flipping a coin is the probabilistic way to achieve
that. ...giving the same result when there are a lot of voters.
Anyway, of course, when there are no strong top & bottom sets, then if you
feel better about one way of approving (like approving only A, or approving
A & B), then that's the best way to approve. No need to question whether
that's right or best. It's right & best.
Now, some people want to have it both ways. They want to elect from their
strong top-set, but they also want the luxury of choosing among that set.
It doesn't work that way. You can't have it both ways.
If a voting-system allows you a choice between casting an effective
approval-set vote, or ranking the candidates in order of preference , and
you choose the latter, then you're increasing the probability of electing
from your strong bottom-set
I assume you mean ranking candidates honestly. So the choice with a
ranking system seems to come down to:
- Rank honestly and risk electing from the strong bottom-set, or
- Rank strategically by ranking one of the leading candidates in the
top-set higher than your favorite, and risk that your favorite might not
win.
If you want to maximize the probability of electing from your strong
top-set, then you should equal top-rank all of them, and bottom-rank (by
not ranking them) your strong bottom-set.
But what happens if you can rank a leading candidate and your favorite the
same? Then you avoid that dilemma, right?
Yes. Top-rank all of your strong top-set, to maximize the probability of
electing one of them.
This is what happens, in part, with Approval Voting at least regarding
those two candidates. So let me add this third alternative.
- Rank one of your preferred leading candidates and your favorite
candidate the same, and avoid the above risks.
Yes. Top-rank all of your strong top-set.
And if this is true, then my guess is that the same applies to all the
rest of the candidates you might otherwise rank lower. In other words,
giving them all the same rank, as in Approval Voting, avoids the problems
of ranking them according to your honest preferences.
Yes, that's the best vote.
[replying farther down] :
So, rank methods don't improve on Approval. As I said, improvements on
Approval are illusory.
Well, the nearest thing to a "problem" that Approval has is the
chicken-dilemma, and some rank methods can avoid the chicken-dilemma.
That's the only genuine excuse to use a rank-method. There are methods
that both avoid chicken-dilemma, and meet FBC. The best way to use such a
method is to top-rank all of your strong top-set, and not rank any of your
strong bottom-set.
...and, if there's a chicken-dilemma, then you can make use of that
rank-method's way of deterring chicken-dilemma defection...as the only
exception from voting as in Approval, by top-ranking your strong top-set.
That's really the only justification for a rank method.
Maybe the way to consider the chicken dilemma is in the context of what
happens over time.
Yes. But the immediately current election can be important too, aside from
the obvious long-term incentives to not defect.
Let me briefly re-state the chicken-dilemma:
Its standard example is where a majority prefer A & B to C, and the
size-order of the factions is: C>A>B, and the C voters are indifferent
between A & B, and don't vote between them:
In a current election, there are several ways that chicken dilemma can be
mitigated or dealt with:
- Maybe it's obvious to all that the A faction is most likely larger than
the B faction. The A voters could say to the B voters:
We're bigger, and so, between A & B, we're the rightful winner. You should
therefore support A. For that reason, and to not encourage you to defect
and take advantage of our co-operativeness, we're only approving A. If you
defect, C will win. Support the larger of {A,B}, and help us to keep C from
winning.
- Or maybe it isn't obvious which of {A,B} is has a larger faction.
The A voters could give B just the amount of vote that would be enough to
enable A to beat C if the A faction is bigger than the B faction. They
could point out to the B voters that they should do the same.
Example:
Say the best estimate available is that the C faction is 40% of the voters.
The A voters could say to the B voters:
C probably will get about 40%, as the best estimate.
Suppose that the A & B factions are about equal. Suppose that you have 31%,
and we have 29%.
We're going to give you just enough votes to win.
We're going to give you 10%. Then you'll have 41%, to C's 40%. You'll win.
We'll do that by each of us giving you 10/29 of a vote.
But, just in case it's we who have 31%, and you who have 29%, each of you
should likewise give us 10/29 of a vote.
With you having 31%, and us having 29%, then you're giving us:
31 X (10/29) = 10.69
29 + 10.69 = 39.69
That's less than your 41%, and you win, with more votes than us and more
votes than C.
- If the B voters were organizing a defection, or even if a lot of B
voters felt like defecting, either way it would be discussed, and would be
overheard, and couldn't remain secret. So the A voters could say to the B
voters, "We hear that you're considering defecting. So we won't approve B.
So you should approve A, the larger, or at least the more honest, of the
{A,B} factions, so that C
But, as you suggested, the situation is better-still in the longterm
-
The B voters would know that if they defect, then they'll be out of luck
next time they need help from the A voters. They won't be able to expect
any help from the A voters.
-
In fact, the A voters could announce a specific strategy of
"Tit-For-Tat":
The A voters will start by co-operating, and then subsequently will do
whatever the B voters did in the previous election (co-operate or defect).
I would expect that repeated applications of Approval Voting will result in
having more candidates run who will appeal to many more voters. We're not
used to thinking in terms of the broad appeal, such as what Bernie has
gotten, and he had a huge struggle just getting noticed, at first.
Not for any reason other than a media blackout. Emails between the DNC and
the Hillary campaign established a common goal to, by whatever dirty tricks
necessary, make sure that Bernie doesn't win the nomination.
Bernie's media access & support was a tiny fraction of Hillary's.
And it would be naive to believe that that the effort didn't include
count-fraud.
Most likely Bernie won the primary. It's pretty much agreed all-around that
Bernie was the candidate who was popular enough to easily beat Donald in an
honest count, and that Hillary was the only person who could lose to Donald
in an honest count.
So why would the Democrats nominate Hillary, the despised likely loser?
There's no reason to call that an "error" or "mistake". Our rulers main
purpose in an election is to avoid the election of someone honest, ethical
and unbought. That's incomparably more important to ruling interest, than
the matter of whether the winner is a Democrat or a Republican. Therefore,
the nomination of likely-loser Hillary was the best strategy for the
regime, whose only risk to continued rule would be the election of someone
honest.
Why would the regime have any intention of letting itself be voted out of
power?
Why should it leave that to chance, or to us, the voters?
As for the Hillary-Donald election, who knows whether or not it was
honestly-counted. It wouldn't & doesn't matter.
I expect more like Bernie will come out of the woodwork if they were
rewarded for doing so.
Yes, admittedly there isn't much reason for progressives to run now. And
people know very well that they can't win ...but not for the reason that
they might think. Bernie or Jill could get 100% of the votes, and wouldn't
"win"
.
Anyway, the result of having more candidates that most voters like is that
it won't matter so much that there are three candidates who are close
enough in popularity to possibly result in a surprising win by the slightly
less popular candidate.
It would be "harder" to choose, when there are no bad candidates, and so
many good ones. That wouldn't be a bad thing.
Then again, the chicken dilemma might be a motivation for cooperating
between similar candidates to pick one of them rather than letting all
run. I.e. parties.
Sure, maybe there'd be come negotiation between the parties & factions, a
sort of people's primary. But of course that wouldn't be nearly as
necessary with Approval as it would be with Plurailty.
If the count were honest, and the voting-system is Plurality, then the
progressives' best strategy would be to all vote for the most popular &
best-known progressive candidate. That's Jill Stein. (Bernie has proved to
be really a Hillary-promoter).
This posting is already long, so I'll post it now, as Part 2.
Part 3 will be along no later than tomorrow morning (Friday, November 25th).
(I don't have a way to delete texts. All of my replies in this posting are
above this point.)
Michael Ossipoff
But, for some electorates, maybe ours here, there's a psychological
need for rankings. Some overcompromisers (as I said) would insist on
approving Hillary, along with Jill.
But some of those, if they had a rank-method, would be content to rank
Hillary a little below Jill. For them, the rank method improved their
voting. For that type of overcompromiser, a rank method softens their
voting errors.
Ranking can likewise soften the voting errors of rival parties who are so
inimical (though close in policy proposals) that they'd refuse to approve
eachother in Aproval.
Don't know if I care about such cases. Maybe we should punish (or not
reward) all the rival parties who are so inimical even though they are
close in policy proposals.
Again, I think it is useful to think where Approval Voting, or other
systems, are likely to take us. What we have currently is widely
recognized as an aberration, which is, I believe, a repeated result of the
application of Plurality Voting, which creates two dominant parties that
concentrate more and more over time, as they increasingly ignore the rest
of the people until they can't stand it any longer.
So we shouldn't judge Approval Voting, or other systems, strictly on how
they would respond to our current situation.
So rankings can soften voting errors, for rivals and for some
overcompromisers.
...but not for all overcompromisers. Some overcompromisers are so
overcompromising that the only thing that can keep them from voting
Compromise over Favorite is if they have an opportunity to rank them both
at top, with the assurance that top-voting Favorite can't possibly hurt
Compromise. ....in other words, for them, the method must allow equal
top-voting, and must meet FBC.
As I suggested above. Yeah!
So, what kind of method would meet the needs of both of those 2 kinds of
overcompromisers? It would be a method that allows equal top-voting, meets
FBC, but also allows ranking. ...and preferably it should give good
protection of higher-ranked candidates against lower-ranked ones.
There are a number of good methods that have those attributes. Bucklin is
the familiar one, During the Progressive Era, Bucklin was used in at leasts
39 cities.
There are others too.
I'll have to think about it some more, but I am not sure the complexity of
more than one level of ranking is worth the trouble and risk, especially
for the current level of society. But I wouldn't want to exclude it, if
there is value and it can be applied reliably.
But I've only been talking about the psychological need for ranking.
But I mentioned earlier that, disregarding that psychological need, there's
really only one genuine practical use for a rank-method: Avoiding chicken
dilemma.
Chicken dilemma protection is very costly in terms of problems that come
with it, to the detriment of other properties. ...especially to the
detriment of the method's general protection of higher middle-ranked
candidates against lower-ranked ones and unranked ones.
But, because the chicken dilemma is a genuine reason to use rankings, and
the only genuine reason, I'd prefer to have chicken dilemma protection,even
at the cost of general protection of middle-ranked candidates.
Again, I am not sure the chicken dilemma is necessarily as severe a
problem as you make it sound, once we stabilize around new political
patterns that result from years of Approval Voting, but I'll have to think
about it more.
We've been discussing a few methods that meet FBC, have a way of avoiding
chicken dilemma, and give as good a general protection to mid-ranked
candidates as can be gotten in a method that meets FBC & avoids chicken
dilemma.
They're Simmons' method ( MDDA(pt/2) ), and MMPO(pt/2).
MMPO(pt/2)'s chicken dilemma deterrence is automatic, but its general
protection of middle-ranked candidates is uniformly questionable, chancy,
something of a crapshoot.
Simmons' method does a top job of that general protection for the
middle-ranked candidates against whom you aren't using the chicken-dilemma
defection-deterence measure (...which consists of denying them approval)..
With that, I'll conclude this note.
Michael Ossipoff
On Mon, Nov 21, 2016 at 1:08 AM, Daniel LaLiberte <
daniel.laliberte@gmail.com> wrote:
This message is about two related subjects:
- Factoring in the long-term emergent effects of each voting system.
- An example of how Approval Voting results in better long-term effects.
Among the many criteria for evaluating voting systems (
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voting_system#Evaluating_voti
ng_systems_using_criteria) I don't see any that address the long-term
effects of using each voting system. In other words, the effect on one
election is certainly important, regarding the satisfaction of the election
results by voters and candidates. But I would argue that it is even more
important to consider the long-term effects that emerge when applying a
voting system repeatedly over many elections. A small bias one way or
another may not be very apparent if you only look at one election, but over
may elections, they can add up and perhaps compound the bias exponentially.
There are many long-term effects to consider, but in particular, I am
thinking of one pernicious problem: the tendency for two major parties to
emerge and dominate all politics which results from the repeated
application of plurality voting. This problem is fairly easy for most
people to understand, although I am surprised to see that there seems to be
a lot of denial about this effect as well. Some would even defend having
only two major parties, or very few parties. That is an interesting
subject to discuss, but regardless, I believe we should be aware of how our
choice of a voting system will affect things over time, how society is
likely to evolve based on the rules we lay down, and in fact, how it is
actually very likely that the dominant forces in society will quickly and
vociferously defend whatever rules resulted in their rise to dominance.
But back to this one question, studies and long-term experience have
shown that other voting systems besides plurality, in particular IRV, also
result in the dominance of two major parties. This may be more surprising
to people, but looking at the underlying cause, it seems we can make a
rather important simplifying argument about most voting systems regarding
this problem. I would assert that the underlying cause of this problem of
two-party dominance in any voting system is that it gives voters the
ability to rank or order at least one candidate higher than the rest.
The reason this ability to rank candidates becomes a problem is the
spoiler effect, where voters will have a strong motivation to give their
highest rank to one of the leading candidates. If they don't, then they
weaken the chance of that candidate winning and therefore strengthen the
chance of the less preferred leading candidate. Because one of the leading
candidates is likely to win, all the rest of the rankings of non-leading
candidates hardly matter at all.
In any election, there will be two candidates who are the strongest in
terms of popular support, and thus the most likely to win. Consequently (to
grossly over-simplify the process) with any voting system that permits
ranking, groups of voters will tend to coalesce around support for these
two leading candidates to encourage everyone to support their preferred
leading candidate. Eventually two major parties arise, and everyone who
doesn't join one of these two major parties is excluded.
So once voters and candidates figure this out, any such voting system
ends up devolving into the dominance of two major parties that we get with
simple plurality voting. In fact, one might argue that plurality voting is
better just because it is simpler.
But Approval Voting avoids this problem. Equal-rank approval votes mean
voters don't get the option to express their preferred ranking, but because
of that, they aren't at all motivated to bias their ranking dishonestly.
They only have to decide which candidates to approve, or where the cut-off
is between approval and disapproval.
Given that there are, as before, two leading candidates, how does
Approval Voting affect whether one of those two leading candidates will
win? One of the two leading candidates is likely to win even with Approval
Voting, so it would appear there is no benefit, but that would be a
short-sighted way to judge a voting system. In subsequent elections, it
would seem likely that more candidates will run who have broader appeal to
ALL voters, not just a majority or plurality. Because the winning
candidates will be those who are most approved of by the most voters, there
will be no value in parties that typically focus on appealing to no more
than half of the voters.
So I suspect the long-term use of Approval Voting would be
self-correcting toward better and better representation of ALL voters, not
just half the voters, because in each election, almost all of the voters
contribute to choosing the winning candidates, and that only gets better
over time as the candidates who decide to run get closer to receiving the
approval of all voters.
Can any other voting system claim a similar long-term effect? Even a
voting system with three ranks, e.g. Approve, Neutral, Disapprove, would
encourage voters to approve one of the leading candidates, and give neutral
or disapprove votes to the rest. I wonder if Approval Voting might be the
ONLY system that has this long-term effect.
What I am aiming for is a voting system that self-corrects over time.
No matter what voting system we choose, there is probably always going to
be at least some small bias, some inequities or incompleteness. So we need
to understand this and deal with it.
But one important question should not be overlooked: What do we want to
self-correct toward? That is, what is the long-term goal? I believe we
should want to move toward a closer or better representation of society as
a whole, but there are other ways to look at that.
Looking forward to reading your feedback.
--
Daniel LaLiberte
daniel.laliberte@gmail.com
Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list
info
Daniel--
I'd said:
> There are other reasons why Approval is the best:
>>
>> If you're a progressive (and everyone in the 99% would benefit
>> tremendously from an honest, progressive government), then there are two
>> blatantly, sharply-distinct sets of candidates: Progressives and
>> Republocrats. It's a matter of honest & progressive, vs corrupt, dishonest
>> and corporate-owned.
>>
>> That's an instance of what I call a "strong top-set" and a "strong
>> bottom-set", defined as follows:
>>
>> A strong top-set and a strong bottom-set are two sets of candidates such
>> that the merit difference _between_ the sets is incomparably more important
>> than the merit difference _within_ the sets.
>>
>> In other words the merit difference within the sets is entirely
>> negligible in comparison to the merit difference between the sets.
>>
>> Your goal, then, is just to elect from your strong top-set.
>>
>> That's innomparably more important than choosing among your strong
>> top-set, or trying to keep one strong bottom-set member from winning
>> instead of another strong bottom-set member.
>>
>> ...and of course it's the strong top-set that you prefer to the strong
>> bottom-set.
>>
>> Approval could be called "Set-Voting". It's a perfect match for what you
>> want to do: Maximize the probability of electing from your strong top-set.
>>
>> Approval asks the right question.
>>
>> For the person who has a strong top-set and a strong bottom-set, it's
>> possible to say what the objective best method is: It's Approval.
>>
>
You replied:
>
> What about for people who do not have such a clear distinction between the
> top and bottom sets?
>
Yes, that situation could exist when we have democracy, and an authentic
political system. Then, as I mentioned, members of the 99% likely wouldn't
have a bottom-set, because the Republocrats would no longer be winnable,
and would no longer be in the elections.
> Where they draw the line is a harder decision and will probably factor in
> the likelihood that various candidates will win.
>
Yes, if such information is available. But now, with our intentionally
disinformational media, there isn't any predictive information that's any
good.
...except for the few honest polls that aren't so blatantly avoidably
sample-biased.
I discussed one such in my previous reply. But few people ever hear of
those polls, and, for most people, the mass-media are the
information-source. For those people, it's definitely a 0-info election.
That's why I'd urge people to just disregard purported predictive
"information", if we were to somehow get Approval voting now.
Say your preferences are A>B>C, and you have good reliable information that
A won't be competitive, and that it will effectively be between only B & C.
Then, if you don't have strong top & bottom sets, and therefore you're
voting to maximize your expectation, then you'd of course approve both A &
B.
In general, absent strong top & bottom sets, you'd vote to maximize your
expectation. Specifically, if you additionally have good predictive
information, you'd use it, as described immediately above.
But, for these days, forget about the election really being between two
purported frontrunners.
So then, what do you do when there's no good predictive information?
For one thing, the merit differences between successive candidates in your
ranking might not be the same.
Say your merit ranking is A>B>>C, meaning that C is farther below B than B
is below A. Then, given the more important distinction between B and C, as
compared to between A & B. So, with 0-info, it would be natural to approve
both A & B.
Other ways of looking at 0-info strategy:
With no strong top & bottom sets, you could still vote to maximize your
expectation, with a 0-info strategy:
Given some way (that I'll get to in a minute) to estimate what is the
likely result-merit to expect, then you can maximize your expectation by
approving down to that merit-level. Why that's so:
If a certain merit is expected for the result, then of course if you
approve someone better than that, you raise your expectation some. And if
you approve someone worse than that, then you worsen your expectation.
So you can maximize your expectation by approving (only) all of the
candidates who are better than the expected result-merit.
So how would you estimate the expected result-merit, in a 0-info election?:
Several estimates are suggested, the choice depending on your assumption
about how the candidate-distribution is related to the voter-distribution.
It isn't certain whether your approval cutoff should the mean, the median,
or the midrange of the candidates' merit.
If you don't believe that the candidates' distribution is close to the
voters' distribution (and if a 1-dimensional political spectrum is
assumed), then it's probably best to approve down to the midrange of the
candidates' merit.
That's a rough estimate of the merit-level where the middle of the
voting-population is, and is a rough estimate of your expected
result-merit. ...the point that you want to approve down to.
But, if there's some reason to believe that the candidate-distribution is
similar to the voter-distribution, then the mean or median could be better.
If voters & candidates are similarly distributed, candidates tending to be
where voters are, then each candidate would have similar proximity to the
same number of voters, makinig them all equally likelly to win. That's the
assumption that justifies the candidate merit-mean as the expected
result-merit and a good approval cutoff.
It might not be easy to estimate the candidate merit-mean, in which case
the median could be used. The median could be used as an estimate of the
mean. Then, just approve the best half of the candidates.
That's a reasonable estimate, because, if voters & candidates have the same
distsribution, then the merit-region with half of the candidates could be
expected to contain half of the voters.
So that's how you could do expectation-maximization strategy in a 0-info
election.
But I emphasize that, in a 0-info election (or even in any election) it
isn't necessary to do expectation-maximization strategy.
Say, because there aren't strong top & bottom sets, it isn't as obvious
where to put the approval-cutoff. If it's really uncertain whether (for
example) you want to approve {A,B} against {C}, or to approve {A} against
{B,C}.
I point out that, if you don't know which is the set that you want to
approve against the worse candidates, then _it doesn't matter_. If you
don't know which is better, then is either way of voting better than the
other? I suggest no.
So, if someone isn't interested in expectation-maximization strategy, then
they needn't use it. The strategies that I discussed earlier are only for
people who like them, who like strategy.
...because, if you don't know which way of voting is better, then neither
is better than the other.
You could flp a coin. If the method were Score (which is best regarded as
Approval with fractional approvals allowed), then you could give candidate
B half-maximum points. Flipping a coin is the probabilistic way to achieve
that. ...giving the same result when there are a lot of voters.
Anyway, of course, when there are no strong top & bottom sets, then if you
feel better about one way of approving (like approving only A, or approving
A & B), then _that's_ the best way to approve. No need to question whether
that's right or best. It's right & best.
>
>> Now, some people want to have it both ways. They want to elect from their
>> strong top-set, but they also want the luxury of choosing _among_ that set.
>>
>> It doesn't work that way. You can't have it both ways.
>>
>> If a voting-system allows you a choice between casting an effective
>> approval-set vote, or ranking the candidates in order of preference , and
>> you choose the latter, then you're increasing the probability of electing
>> from your strong bottom-set
>>
>
> I assume you mean ranking candidates honestly. So the choice with a
> ranking system seems to come down to:
>
> 1. Rank honestly and risk electing from the strong bottom-set, or
> 2. Rank strategically by ranking one of the leading candidates in the
> top-set higher than your favorite, and risk that your favorite might not
> win.
>
If you want to maximize the probability of electing from your strong
top-set, then you should equal top-rank all of them, and bottom-rank (by
not ranking them) your strong bottom-set.
> But what happens if you can rank a leading candidate and your favorite the
> same? Then you avoid that dilemma, right?
>
Yes. Top-rank all of your strong top-set, to maximize the probability of
electing one of them.
> This is what happens, in part, with Approval Voting at least regarding
> those two candidates. So let me add this third alternative.
>
> 3. Rank one of your preferred leading candidates and your favorite
> candidate the same, and avoid the above risks.
>
Yes. Top-rank all of your strong top-set.
>
> And if this is true, then my guess is that the same applies to all the
> rest of the candidates you might otherwise rank lower. In other words,
> giving them all the same rank, as in Approval Voting, avoids the problems
> of ranking them according to your honest preferences.
>
Yes, that's the best vote.
[replying farther down] :
>
>
>> So, rank methods don't improve on Approval. As I said, improvements on
>> Approval are illusory.
>>
>> Well, the nearest thing to a "problem" that Approval has is the
>> chicken-dilemma, and some rank methods can avoid the chicken-dilemma.
>>
>> That's the only genuine excuse to use a rank-method. There are methods
>> that both avoid chicken-dilemma, and meet FBC. The best way to use such a
>> method is to top-rank all of your strong top-set, and not rank any of your
>> strong bottom-set.
>>
>> ...and, if there's a chicken-dilemma, then you can make use of that
>> rank-method's way of deterring chicken-dilemma defection...as the only
>> exception from voting as in Approval, by top-ranking your strong top-set.
>>
>> That's really the only justification for a rank method.
>>
>
> Maybe the way to consider the chicken dilemma is in the context of what
> happens over time.
>
Yes. But the immediately current election can be important too, aside from
the obvious long-term incentives to not defect.
Let me briefly re-state the chicken-dilemma:
Its standard example is where a majority prefer A & B to C, and the
size-order of the factions is: C>A>B, and the C voters are indifferent
between A & B, and don't vote between them:
In a current election, there are several ways that chicken dilemma can be
mitigated or dealt with:
1. Maybe it's obvious to all that the A faction is most likely larger than
the B faction. The A voters could say to the B voters:
We're bigger, and so, between A & B, we're the rightful winner. You should
therefore support A. For that reason, and to not encourage you to defect
and take advantage of our co-operativeness, we're only approving A. If you
defect, C will win. Support the larger of {A,B}, and help us to keep C from
winning.
2. Or maybe it isn't obvious which of {A,B} is has a larger faction.
The A voters could give B just the amount of vote that would be enough to
enable A to beat C if the A faction is bigger than the B faction. They
could point out to the B voters that they should do the same.
Example:
Say the best estimate available is that the C faction is 40% of the voters.
The A voters could say to the B voters:
C probably will get about 40%, as the best estimate.
Suppose that the A & B factions are about equal. Suppose that you have 31%,
and we have 29%.
We're going to give you just enough votes to win.
We're going to give you 10%. Then you'll have 41%, to C's 40%. You'll win.
We'll do that by each of us giving you 10/29 of a vote.
But, just in case it's we who have 31%, and you who have 29%, each of you
should likewise give us 10/29 of a vote.
With you having 31%, and us having 29%, then you're giving us:
31 X (10/29) = 10.69
29 + 10.69 = 39.69
That's less than your 41%, and you win, with more votes than us and more
votes than C.
3. If the B voters were organizing a defection, or even if a lot of B
voters felt like defecting, either way it would be discussed, and would be
overheard, and couldn't remain secret. So the A voters could say to the B
voters, "We hear that you're considering defecting. So we won't approve B.
So you should approve A, the larger, or at least the more honest, of the
{A,B} factions, so that C
But, as you suggested, the situation is better-still in the longterm
4. The B voters would know that if they defect, then they'll be out of luck
next time they need help from the A voters. They won't be able to expect
any help from the A voters.
5. In fact, the A voters could announce a specific strategy of
"Tit-For-Tat":
The A voters will start by co-operating, and then subsequently will do
whatever the B voters did in the previous election (co-operate or defect).
I would expect that repeated applications of Approval Voting will result in
> having more candidates run who will appeal to many more voters. We're not
> used to thinking in terms of the broad appeal, such as what Bernie has
> gotten, and he had a huge struggle just getting noticed, at first.
>
Not for any reason other than a media blackout. Emails between the DNC and
the Hillary campaign established a common goal to, by whatever dirty tricks
necessary, make sure that Bernie doesn't win the nomination.
Bernie's media access & support was a tiny fraction of Hillary's.
And it would be naive to believe that that the effort didn't include
count-fraud.
Most likely Bernie won the primary. It's pretty much agreed all-around that
Bernie was the candidate who was popular enough to easily beat Donald in an
honest count, and that Hillary was the only person who could lose to Donald
in an honest count.
So why would the Democrats nominate Hillary, the despised likely loser?
There's no reason to call that an "error" or "mistake". Our rulers main
purpose in an election is to avoid the election of someone honest, ethical
and unbought. That's incomparably more important to ruling interest, than
the matter of whether the winner is a Democrat or a Republican. Therefore,
the nomination of likely-loser Hillary was the best strategy for the
regime, whose only risk to continued rule would be the election of someone
honest.
Why would the regime have any intention of letting itself be voted out of
power?
Why should it leave that to chance, or to us, the voters?
As for the Hillary-Donald election, who knows whether or not it was
honestly-counted. It wouldn't & doesn't matter.
> I expect more like Bernie will come out of the woodwork if they were
> rewarded for doing so.
>
Yes, admittedly there isn't much reason for progressives to run now. And
people know very well that they can't win ...but not for the reason that
they might think. Bernie or Jill could get 100% of the votes, and wouldn't
"win"
.
>
> Anyway, the result of having more candidates that most voters like is that
> it won't matter so much that there are three candidates who are close
> enough in popularity to possibly result in a surprising win by the slightly
> less popular candidate.
>
It would be "harder" to choose, when there are no bad candidates, and so
many good ones. That wouldn't be a bad thing.
>
> Then again, the chicken dilemma might be a motivation for cooperating
> between similar candidates to pick one of them rather than letting all
> run. I.e. parties.
>
Sure, maybe there'd be come negotiation between the parties & factions, a
sort of people's primary. But of course that wouldn't be nearly as
necessary with Approval as it would be with Plurailty.
If the count were honest, and the voting-system is Plurality, then the
progressives' best strategy would be to all vote for the most popular &
best-known progressive candidate. That's Jill Stein. (Bernie has proved to
be really a Hillary-promoter).
This posting is already long, so I'll post it now, as Part 2.
Part 3 will be along no later than tomorrow morning (Friday, November 25th).
(I don't have a way to delete texts. All of my replies in this posting are
above this point.)
Michael Ossipoff
>
>
>> But, for some electorates, maybe ours here, there's a _psychological_
>> need for rankings. Some overcompromisers (as I said) would insist on
>> approving Hillary, along with Jill.
>>
>> But some of those, if they had a rank-method, would be content to rank
>> Hillary a little below Jill. For them, the rank method improved their
>> voting. For that type of overcompromiser, a rank method softens their
>> voting errors.
>>
>> Ranking can likewise soften the voting errors of rival parties who are so
>> inimical (though close in policy proposals) that they'd refuse to approve
>> eachother in Aproval.
>>
>>
> Don't know if I care about such cases. Maybe we should punish (or not
> reward) all the rival parties who are so inimical even though they are
> close in policy proposals.
>
> Again, I think it is useful to think where Approval Voting, or other
> systems, are likely to take us. What we have currently is widely
> recognized as an aberration, which is, I believe, a repeated result of the
> application of Plurality Voting, which creates two dominant parties that
> concentrate more and more over time, as they increasingly ignore the rest
> of the people until they can't stand it any longer.
>
> So we shouldn't judge Approval Voting, or other systems, strictly on how
> they would respond to our current situation.
>
>
>
>> So rankings can soften voting errors, for rivals and for some
>> overcompromisers.
>>
>> ...but not for all overcompromisers. Some overcompromisers are so
>> overcompromising that the only thing that can keep them from voting
>> Compromise over Favorite is if they have an opportunity to rank them both
>> at top, with the assurance that top-voting Favorite can't possibly hurt
>> Compromise. ....in other words, for them, the method must allow equal
>> top-voting, and must meet FBC.
>>
>
> As I suggested above. Yeah!
>
>
>
>> So, what kind of method would meet the needs of both of those 2 kinds of
>> overcompromisers? It would be a method that allows equal top-voting, meets
>> FBC, but also allows ranking. ...and preferably it should give good
>> protection of higher-ranked candidates against lower-ranked ones.
>>
>
>
>> There are a number of good methods that have those attributes. Bucklin is
>> the familiar one, During the Progressive Era, Bucklin was used in at leasts
>> 39 cities.
>>
>> There are others too.
>>
>
> I'll have to think about it some more, but I am not sure the complexity of
> more than one level of ranking is worth the trouble and risk, especially
> for the current level of society. But I wouldn't want to exclude it, if
> there is value and it can be applied reliably.
>
>
>
>> But I've only been talking about the _psychological_ need for ranking.
>> But I mentioned earlier that, disregarding that psychological need, there's
>> really only one genuine practical use for a rank-method: Avoiding chicken
>> dilemma.
>>
>> Chicken dilemma protection is very costly in terms of problems that come
>> with it, to the detriment of other properties. ...especially to the
>> detriment of the method's general protection of higher middle-ranked
>> candidates against lower-ranked ones and unranked ones.
>>
>> But, because the chicken dilemma is a genuine reason to use rankings, and
>> the only genuine reason, I'd prefer to have chicken dilemma protection,even
>> at the cost of general protection of middle-ranked candidates.
>>
>
> Again, I am not sure the chicken dilemma is necessarily as severe a
> problem as you make it sound, once we stabilize around new political
> patterns that result from years of Approval Voting, but I'll have to think
> about it more.
>
>
>> We've been discussing a few methods that meet FBC, have a way of avoiding
>> chicken dilemma, and give as good a general protection to mid-ranked
>> candidates as can be gotten in a method that meets FBC & avoids chicken
>> dilemma.
>>
>> They're Simmons' method ( MDDA(pt/2) ), and MMPO(pt/2).
>>
>> MMPO(pt/2)'s chicken dilemma deterrence is automatic, but its general
>> protection of middle-ranked candidates is uniformly questionable, chancy,
>> something of a crapshoot.
>>
>> Simmons' method does a top job of that general protection for the
>> middle-ranked candidates against whom you aren't using the chicken-dilemma
>> defection-deterence measure (...which consists of denying them approval)..
>>
>> With that, I'll conclude this note.
>>
>> Michael Ossipoff
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> On Mon, Nov 21, 2016 at 1:08 AM, Daniel LaLiberte <
>> daniel.laliberte@gmail.com> wrote:
>>
>>> This message is about two related subjects:
>>>
>>> 1. Factoring in the long-term emergent effects of each voting system.
>>> 2. An example of how Approval Voting results in better long-term effects.
>>>
>>> Among the many criteria for evaluating voting systems (
>>> https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voting_system#Evaluating_voti
>>> ng_systems_using_criteria) I don't see any that address the long-term
>>> effects of using each voting system. In other words, the effect on one
>>> election is certainly important, regarding the satisfaction of the election
>>> results by voters and candidates. But I would argue that it is even more
>>> important to consider the long-term effects that emerge when applying a
>>> voting system repeatedly over many elections. A small bias one way or
>>> another may not be very apparent if you only look at one election, but over
>>> may elections, they can add up and perhaps compound the bias exponentially.
>>>
>>> There are many long-term effects to consider, but in particular, I am
>>> thinking of one pernicious problem: the tendency for two major parties to
>>> emerge and dominate all politics which results from the repeated
>>> application of plurality voting. This problem is fairly easy for most
>>> people to understand, although I am surprised to see that there seems to be
>>> a lot of denial about this effect as well. Some would even defend having
>>> only two major parties, or very few parties. That is an interesting
>>> subject to discuss, but regardless, I believe we should be aware of how our
>>> choice of a voting system will affect things over time, how society is
>>> likely to evolve based on the rules we lay down, and in fact, how it is
>>> actually very likely that the dominant forces in society will quickly and
>>> vociferously defend whatever rules resulted in their rise to dominance.
>>>
>>> But back to this one question, studies and long-term experience have
>>> shown that other voting systems besides plurality, in particular IRV, also
>>> result in the dominance of two major parties. This may be more surprising
>>> to people, but looking at the underlying cause, it seems we can make a
>>> rather important simplifying argument about most voting systems regarding
>>> this problem. I would assert that the underlying cause of this problem of
>>> two-party dominance in any voting system is that it gives voters the
>>> ability to rank or order at least one candidate higher than the rest.
>>>
>>> The reason this ability to rank candidates becomes a problem is the
>>> spoiler effect, where voters will have a strong motivation to give their
>>> highest rank to one of the leading candidates. If they don't, then they
>>> weaken the chance of that candidate winning and therefore strengthen the
>>> chance of the less preferred leading candidate. Because one of the leading
>>> candidates is likely to win, all the rest of the rankings of non-leading
>>> candidates hardly matter at all.
>>>
>>> In any election, there will be two candidates who are the strongest in
>>> terms of popular support, and thus the most likely to win. Consequently (to
>>> grossly over-simplify the process) with any voting system that permits
>>> ranking, groups of voters will tend to coalesce around support for these
>>> two leading candidates to encourage everyone to support their preferred
>>> leading candidate. Eventually two major parties arise, and everyone who
>>> doesn't join one of these two major parties is excluded.
>>>
>>> So once voters and candidates figure this out, any such voting system
>>> ends up devolving into the dominance of two major parties that we get with
>>> simple plurality voting. In fact, one might argue that plurality voting is
>>> better just because it is simpler.
>>>
>>> But Approval Voting avoids this problem. Equal-rank approval votes mean
>>> voters don't get the option to express their preferred ranking, but because
>>> of that, they aren't at all motivated to bias their ranking dishonestly.
>>> They only have to decide which candidates to approve, or where the cut-off
>>> is between approval and disapproval.
>>>
>>> Given that there are, as before, two leading candidates, how does
>>> Approval Voting affect whether one of those two leading candidates will
>>> win? One of the two leading candidates is likely to win even with Approval
>>> Voting, so it would appear there is no benefit, but that would be a
>>> short-sighted way to judge a voting system. In subsequent elections, it
>>> would seem likely that more candidates will run who have broader appeal to
>>> ALL voters, not just a majority or plurality. Because the winning
>>> candidates will be those who are most approved of by the most voters, there
>>> will be no value in parties that typically focus on appealing to no more
>>> than half of the voters.
>>>
>>> So I suspect the long-term use of Approval Voting would be
>>> self-correcting toward better and better representation of ALL voters, not
>>> just half the voters, because in each election, almost all of the voters
>>> contribute to choosing the winning candidates, and that only gets better
>>> over time as the candidates who decide to run get closer to receiving the
>>> approval of all voters.
>>>
>>> Can any other voting system claim a similar long-term effect? Even a
>>> voting system with three ranks, e.g. Approve, Neutral, Disapprove, would
>>> encourage voters to approve one of the leading candidates, and give neutral
>>> or disapprove votes to the rest. I wonder if Approval Voting might be the
>>> ONLY system that has this long-term effect.
>>>
>>> What I am aiming for is a voting system that self-corrects over time.
>>> No matter what voting system we choose, there is probably always going to
>>> be at least some small bias, some inequities or incompleteness. So we need
>>> to understand this and deal with it.
>>>
>>> But one important question should not be overlooked: What do we want to
>>> self-correct toward? That is, what is the long-term goal? I believe we
>>> should want to move toward a closer or better representation of society as
>>> a whole, but there are other ways to look at that.
>>>
>>> Looking forward to reading your feedback.
>>>
>>> --
>>> Daniel LaLiberte
>>> daniel.laliberte@gmail.com
>>>
>>> ----
>>> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list
>>> info
>>>
>>>
>>
>
>
> --
> Daniel LaLiberte
> daniel.laliberte@gmail.com
>
MO
Michael Ossipoff
Sat, Nov 26, 2016 3:48 AM
But, for some electorates, maybe ours here, there's a psychological
need for rankings. Some overcompromisers (as I said) would insist on
approving Hillary, along with Jill.
But some of those, if they had a rank-method, would be content to rank
Hillary a little below Jill. For them, the rank method improved their
voting. For that type of overcompromiser, a rank method softens their
voting errors.
Ranking can likewise soften the voting errors of rival parties who are so
inimical (though close in policy proposals) that they'd refuse to approve
eachother in Aproval.
Don't know if I care about such cases. Maybe we should punish (or not
reward) all the rival parties who are so inimical even though they are
close in policy proposals.
Well, the voting error resulting from their rivalry is bad for everyone
too, and so it's desirable to avoid it--by giving the rival parties the
option to rank eachother below top, but still above worse candidates.
Again, I think it is useful to think where Approval Voting, or other
systems, are likely to take us. What we have currently is widely
recognized as an aberration
Yes. And it won't improve until there's near unanimous realization of the
complete phoniness of the elections and media, and the version of the
social-situation that they have people believing. It doesn't even at all
resemble the media portrayal. But wasn't it Goebbels who boasted that any
lie will be publicly-accepted if it's big enough and repeated consistently
enough. NPR understands that, and has learned well from Goebbels.
, which is, I believe, a repeated result of the application of Plurality
Voting
...it takes a bit more than just Plurality to achieve that. But, sure,
Plurality is a component.
, which creates two dominant parties that concentrate more and more over
time, as they increasingly ignore the rest of the people until they can't
stand it any longer.
Well, doesn't it appear is if there's no limit to what they'll tolerate,
submit to, and believe in? ...No scam too brazen, ridiculous or extreme? No
lie to big or brazen to believe
That great social scientist P.T. Barnum said that there's a sucker born
every minute.
The corollary, the famous and officially-well-followed Fields Policy
Principle says, "Never give a sucker an even break."
That sums up the situation
But there's always the possibility that maybe someday people will catch on.
Don't count on it, but it's always possible.
I'm not saying that the public won't someday surprise us and catch on.
That's always a possibility
Jill Stein's investigation of count-fraud in the 2016 presidential election
is a hopeful sign, but never let anything get your hopes up. It's a good
start, something done right, good for its own sake. Just regard it as that.
Don't worry about results.
You wrote:
So we shouldn't judge Approval Voting, or other systems, strictly on how
they would respond to our current situation.
[endquote]
Currently, voting-system proposals for municipal elections should be
methods that would be good in elections for state and national office,
under current conditions. And if they're good for those more demanding
applications, then they'll be fine for municipal elections too. And, if
they're good for the peculiarly-demanding (phony) current conditions, then
they'll be fine for conditions in a better world.
Approval, Score, Bucklin, or MDDAsc would be fine.
There's good consensus at EM about MDDAsc being the best deluxe
ranking-method.
I'd suggest that those 4 methods should be offered in proposals for
municipal and state voting-system reform. Let an initiative committee, &/or
the public (vial polls & focus-groups) choose among them, to choose the
best proposal for an initiative or referendum, or a legislated
voting-system reform.
[Replying farther down] :
So rankings can soften voting errors, for rivals and for some
overcompromisers.
...but not for all overcompromisers. Some overcompromisers are so
overcompromising that the only thing that can keep them from voting
Compromise over Favorite is if they have an opportunity to rank them both
at top, with the assurance that top-voting Favorite can't possibly hurt
Compromise. ....in other words, for them, the method must allow equal
top-voting, and must meet FBC.
As I suggested above. Yeah!
So, what kind of method would meet the needs of both of those 2 kinds of
overcompromisers? It would be a method that allows equal top-voting, meets
FBC, but also allows ranking. ...and preferably it should give good
protection of higher-ranked candidates against lower-ranked ones.
There are a number of good methods that have those attributes. Bucklin is
the familiar one, During the Progressive Era, Bucklin was used in at leasts
39 cities.
There are others too.
I'll have to think about it some more, but I am not sure the complexity of
more than one level of ranking is worth the trouble and risk, especially
for the current level of society.
Well, as I always say, when organizations, parties & activists advocate
voting-system reform, they nearly always want rankings. And the electorate
might need rankiings (or at least Score) to soften the voting-errors of
overcompromisers & rival parties.
Aside from that psychological need for rankings, Approval is better.
But, regardable as a deluxe Approval version, a method (like MDDAsc)
meeting FBC, and free of chicken-dilemma, could be used as Approval.
...people advised to top-rank their strong top-set, not rank their strong
bottom-set, and 2nd-rank & withhold approval only when needed for
chicken-dilemma defection-deterrence.
But I wouldn't want to exclude it, if there is value and it can be applied
reliably.
Approval, Score, Bucklin & MDDAsc are reliable and solid.
[Replying farther down] :
But I've only been talking about the psychological need for ranking.
But I mentioned earlier that, disregarding that psychological need, there's
really only one genuine practical use for a rank-method: Avoiding chicken
dilemma.
Chicken dilemma protection is very costly in terms of problems that come
with it, to the detriment of other properties. ...especially to the
detriment of the method's general protection of higher middle-ranked
candidates against lower-ranked ones and unranked ones.
But, because the chicken dilemma is a genuine reason to use rankings, and
the only genuine reason, I'd prefer to have chicken dilemma protection,even
at the cost of general protection of middle-ranked candidates.
Again, I am not sure the chicken dilemma is necessarily as severe a
problem as you make it sound
I call the chicken dilemma a nuisance, rather than a problem, for Approval
& Bucklin, because of the mitigations and solutions that I described in my
previous message.
But it would be even nicer to be able to outright just avoid it, as can be
done in MDDAsc.
, once we stabilize around new political patterns that result from years
of Approval Voting
I feel that a big difference then, with genuine democracy, in a better
world, would be the absence of a strong bottom-set.
Then, yes, the chicken-dilemma would lose a lot of its strength if there
isn't a seriously odious "candidate C", that the A & B voters have to fear.
Michael Ossipoff
(This concludes the 3rd part of this 3-part reply)
(I don't have a way to delete text. All of my replies in this message are
above this point.)
This message is about two related subjects:
- Factoring in the long-term emergent effects of each voting system.
- An example of how Approval Voting results in better long-term effects.
Among the many criteria for evaluating voting systems (
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voting_system#Evaluating_voti
ng_systems_using_criteria) I don't see any that address the long-term
effects of using each voting system. In other words, the effect on one
election is certainly important, regarding the satisfaction of the election
results by voters and candidates. But I would argue that it is even more
important to consider the long-term effects that emerge when applying a
voting system repeatedly over many elections. A small bias one way or
another may not be very apparent if you only look at one election, but over
may elections, they can add up and perhaps compound the bias exponentially.
There are many long-term effects to consider, but in particular, I am
thinking of one pernicious problem: the tendency for two major parties to
emerge and dominate all politics which results from the repeated
application of plurality voting. This problem is fairly easy for most
people to understand, although I am surprised to see that there seems to be
a lot of denial about this effect as well. Some would even defend having
only two major parties, or very few parties. That is an interesting
subject to discuss, but regardless, I believe we should be aware of how our
choice of a voting system will affect things over time, how society is
likely to evolve based on the rules we lay down, and in fact, how it is
actually very likely that the dominant forces in society will quickly and
vociferously defend whatever rules resulted in their rise to dominance.
But back to this one question, studies and long-term experience have
shown that other voting systems besides plurality, in particular IRV, also
result in the dominance of two major parties. This may be more surprising
to people, but looking at the underlying cause, it seems we can make a
rather important simplifying argument about most voting systems regarding
this problem. I would assert that the underlying cause of this problem of
two-party dominance in any voting system is that it gives voters the
ability to rank or order at least one candidate higher than the rest.
The reason this ability to rank candidates becomes a problem is the
spoiler effect, where voters will have a strong motivation to give their
highest rank to one of the leading candidates. If they don't, then they
weaken the chance of that candidate winning and therefore strengthen the
chance of the less preferred leading candidate. Because one of the leading
candidates is likely to win, all the rest of the rankings of non-leading
candidates hardly matter at all.
In any election, there will be two candidates who are the strongest in
terms of popular support, and thus the most likely to win. Consequently (to
grossly over-simplify the process) with any voting system that permits
ranking, groups of voters will tend to coalesce around support for these
two leading candidates to encourage everyone to support their preferred
leading candidate. Eventually two major parties arise, and everyone who
doesn't join one of these two major parties is excluded.
So once voters and candidates figure this out, any such voting system
ends up devolving into the dominance of two major parties that we get with
simple plurality voting. In fact, one might argue that plurality voting is
better just because it is simpler.
But Approval Voting avoids this problem. Equal-rank approval votes mean
voters don't get the option to express their preferred ranking, but because
of that, they aren't at all motivated to bias their ranking dishonestly.
They only have to decide which candidates to approve, or where the cut-off
is between approval and disapproval.
Given that there are, as before, two leading candidates, how does
Approval Voting affect whether one of those two leading candidates will
win? One of the two leading candidates is likely to win even with Approval
Voting, so it would appear there is no benefit, but that would be a
short-sighted way to judge a voting system. In subsequent elections, it
would seem likely that more candidates will run who have broader appeal to
ALL voters, not just a majority or plurality. Because the winning
candidates will be those who are most approved of by the most voters, there
will be no value in parties that typically focus on appealing to no more
than half of the voters.
So I suspect the long-term use of Approval Voting would be
self-correcting toward better and better representation of ALL voters, not
just half the voters, because in each election, almost all of the voters
contribute to choosing the winning candidates, and that only gets better
over time as the candidates who decide to run get closer to receiving the
approval of all voters.
Can any other voting system claim a similar long-term effect? Even a
voting system with three ranks, e.g. Approve, Neutral, Disapprove, would
encourage voters to approve one of the leading candidates, and give neutral
or disapprove votes to the rest. I wonder if Approval Voting might be the
ONLY system that has this long-term effect.
What I am aiming for is a voting system that self-corrects over time. No
matter what voting system we choose, there is probably always going to be
at least some small bias, some inequities or incompleteness. So we need to
understand this and deal with it.
But one important question should not be overlooked: What do we want to
self-correct toward? That is, what is the long-term goal? I believe we
should want to move toward a closer or better representation of society as
a whole, but there are other ways to look at that.
Looking forward to reading your feedback.
--
Daniel LaLiberte
daniel.laliberte@gmail.com
Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list
info
I'd said:
>
>
>
>> But, for some electorates, maybe ours here, there's a _psychological_
>> need for rankings. Some overcompromisers (as I said) would insist on
>> approving Hillary, along with Jill.
>>
>> But some of those, if they had a rank-method, would be content to rank
>> Hillary a little below Jill. For them, the rank method improved their
>> voting. For that type of overcompromiser, a rank method softens their
>> voting errors.
>>
>> Ranking can likewise soften the voting errors of rival parties who are so
>> inimical (though close in policy proposals) that they'd refuse to approve
>> eachother in Aproval.
>>
>>
> You replied:
>
> Don't know if I care about such cases. Maybe we should punish (or not
> reward) all the rival parties who are so inimical even though they are
> close in policy proposals.
>
Well, the voting error resulting from their rivalry is bad for everyone
too, and so it's desirable to avoid it--by giving the rival parties the
option to rank eachother below top, but still above worse candidates.
>
> Again, I think it is useful to think where Approval Voting, or other
> systems, are likely to take us. What we have currently is widely
> recognized as an aberration
>
Yes. And it won't improve until there's near unanimous realization of the
complete phoniness of the elections and media, and the version of the
social-situation that they have people believing. It doesn't even at all
resemble the media portrayal. But wasn't it Goebbels who boasted that any
lie will be publicly-accepted if it's big enough and repeated consistently
enough. NPR understands that, and has learned well from Goebbels.
> , which is, I believe, a repeated result of the application of Plurality
> Voting
>
...it takes a bit more than just Plurality to achieve that. But, sure,
Plurality is a component.
> , which creates two dominant parties that concentrate more and more over
> time, as they increasingly ignore the rest of the people until they can't
> stand it any longer.
>
Well, doesn't it appear is if there's no limit to what they'll tolerate,
submit to, and believe in? ...No scam too brazen, ridiculous or extreme? No
lie to big or brazen to believe
That great social scientist P.T. Barnum said that there's a sucker born
every minute.
The corollary, the famous and officially-well-followed Fields Policy
Principle says, "Never give a sucker an even break."
That sums up the situation
But there's always the possibility that maybe someday people will catch on.
Don't count on it, but it's always possible.
I'm not saying that the public won't someday surprise us and catch on.
That's always a possibility
Jill Stein's investigation of count-fraud in the 2016 presidential election
is a hopeful sign, but never let anything get your hopes up. It's a good
start, something done right, good for its own sake. Just regard it as that.
Don't worry about results.
You wrote:
So we shouldn't judge Approval Voting, or other systems, strictly on how
they would respond to our current situation.
[endquote]
Currently, voting-system proposals for municipal elections should be
methods that would be good in elections for state and national office,
under current conditions. And if they're good for those more demanding
applications, then they'll be fine for municipal elections too. And, if
they're good for the peculiarly-demanding (phony) current conditions, then
they'll be fine for conditions in a better world.
Approval, Score, Bucklin, or MDDAsc would be fine.
There's good consensus at EM about MDDAsc being the best deluxe
ranking-method.
I'd suggest that those 4 methods should be offered in proposals for
municipal and state voting-system reform. Let an initiative committee, &/or
the public (vial polls & focus-groups) choose among them, to choose the
best proposal for an initiative or referendum, or a legislated
voting-system reform.
[Replying farther down] :
>
>
>> So rankings can soften voting errors, for rivals and for some
>> overcompromisers.
>>
>> ...but not for all overcompromisers. Some overcompromisers are so
>> overcompromising that the only thing that can keep them from voting
>> Compromise over Favorite is if they have an opportunity to rank them both
>> at top, with the assurance that top-voting Favorite can't possibly hurt
>> Compromise. ....in other words, for them, the method must allow equal
>> top-voting, and must meet FBC.
>>
>
> As I suggested above. Yeah!
>
>
>
>> So, what kind of method would meet the needs of both of those 2 kinds of
>> overcompromisers? It would be a method that allows equal top-voting, meets
>> FBC, but also allows ranking. ...and preferably it should give good
>> protection of higher-ranked candidates against lower-ranked ones.
>>
>
>
>> There are a number of good methods that have those attributes. Bucklin is
>> the familiar one, During the Progressive Era, Bucklin was used in at leasts
>> 39 cities.
>>
>> There are others too.
>>
>
> I'll have to think about it some more, but I am not sure the complexity of
> more than one level of ranking is worth the trouble and risk, especially
> for the current level of society.
>
Well, as I always say, when organizations, parties & activists advocate
voting-system reform, they nearly always want rankings. And the electorate
might need rankiings (or at least Score) to soften the voting-errors of
overcompromisers & rival parties.
Aside from that psychological need for rankings, Approval is better.
But, regardable as a deluxe Approval version, a method (like MDDAsc)
meeting FBC, and free of chicken-dilemma, could be used as Approval.
...people advised to top-rank their strong top-set, not rank their strong
bottom-set, and 2nd-rank & withhold approval only when needed for
chicken-dilemma defection-deterrence.
> But I wouldn't want to exclude it, if there is value and it can be applied
> reliably.
>
Approval, Score, Bucklin & MDDAsc are reliable and solid.
[Replying farther down] :
>
>
>
>
>> But I've only been talking about the _psychological_ need for ranking.
>> But I mentioned earlier that, disregarding that psychological need, there's
>> really only one genuine practical use for a rank-method: Avoiding chicken
>> dilemma.
>>
>> Chicken dilemma protection is very costly in terms of problems that come
>> with it, to the detriment of other properties. ...especially to the
>> detriment of the method's general protection of higher middle-ranked
>> candidates against lower-ranked ones and unranked ones.
>>
>> But, because the chicken dilemma is a genuine reason to use rankings, and
>> the only genuine reason, I'd prefer to have chicken dilemma protection,even
>> at the cost of general protection of middle-ranked candidates.
>>
>
> Again, I am not sure the chicken dilemma is necessarily as severe a
> problem as you make it sound
>
I call the chicken dilemma a nuisance, rather than a problem, for Approval
& Bucklin, because of the mitigations and solutions that I described in my
previous message.
But it would be even nicer to be able to outright just avoid it, as can be
done in MDDAsc.
> , once we stabilize around new political patterns that result from years
> of Approval Voting
>
I feel that a big difference then, with genuine democracy, in a better
world, would be the absence of a strong bottom-set.
Then, yes, the chicken-dilemma would lose a lot of its strength if there
isn't a seriously odious "candidate C", that the A & B voters have to fear.
Michael Ossipoff
(This concludes the 3rd part of this 3-part reply)
(I don't have a way to delete text. All of my replies in this message are
above this point.)
>
> On Mon, Nov 21, 2016 at 1:08 AM, Daniel LaLiberte <
> daniel.laliberte@gmail.com> wrote:
>
>> This message is about two related subjects:
>>
>> 1. Factoring in the long-term emergent effects of each voting system.
>> 2. An example of how Approval Voting results in better long-term effects.
>>
>> Among the many criteria for evaluating voting systems (
>> https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voting_system#Evaluating_voti
>> ng_systems_using_criteria) I don't see any that address the long-term
>> effects of using each voting system. In other words, the effect on one
>> election is certainly important, regarding the satisfaction of the election
>> results by voters and candidates. But I would argue that it is even more
>> important to consider the long-term effects that emerge when applying a
>> voting system repeatedly over many elections. A small bias one way or
>> another may not be very apparent if you only look at one election, but over
>> may elections, they can add up and perhaps compound the bias exponentially.
>>
>> There are many long-term effects to consider, but in particular, I am
>> thinking of one pernicious problem: the tendency for two major parties to
>> emerge and dominate all politics which results from the repeated
>> application of plurality voting. This problem is fairly easy for most
>> people to understand, although I am surprised to see that there seems to be
>> a lot of denial about this effect as well. Some would even defend having
>> only two major parties, or very few parties. That is an interesting
>> subject to discuss, but regardless, I believe we should be aware of how our
>> choice of a voting system will affect things over time, how society is
>> likely to evolve based on the rules we lay down, and in fact, how it is
>> actually very likely that the dominant forces in society will quickly and
>> vociferously defend whatever rules resulted in their rise to dominance.
>>
>> But back to this one question, studies and long-term experience have
>> shown that other voting systems besides plurality, in particular IRV, also
>> result in the dominance of two major parties. This may be more surprising
>> to people, but looking at the underlying cause, it seems we can make a
>> rather important simplifying argument about most voting systems regarding
>> this problem. I would assert that the underlying cause of this problem of
>> two-party dominance in any voting system is that it gives voters the
>> ability to rank or order at least one candidate higher than the rest.
>>
>> The reason this ability to rank candidates becomes a problem is the
>> spoiler effect, where voters will have a strong motivation to give their
>> highest rank to one of the leading candidates. If they don't, then they
>> weaken the chance of that candidate winning and therefore strengthen the
>> chance of the less preferred leading candidate. Because one of the leading
>> candidates is likely to win, all the rest of the rankings of non-leading
>> candidates hardly matter at all.
>>
>> In any election, there will be two candidates who are the strongest in
>> terms of popular support, and thus the most likely to win. Consequently (to
>> grossly over-simplify the process) with any voting system that permits
>> ranking, groups of voters will tend to coalesce around support for these
>> two leading candidates to encourage everyone to support their preferred
>> leading candidate. Eventually two major parties arise, and everyone who
>> doesn't join one of these two major parties is excluded.
>>
>> So once voters and candidates figure this out, any such voting system
>> ends up devolving into the dominance of two major parties that we get with
>> simple plurality voting. In fact, one might argue that plurality voting is
>> better just because it is simpler.
>>
>> But Approval Voting avoids this problem. Equal-rank approval votes mean
>> voters don't get the option to express their preferred ranking, but because
>> of that, they aren't at all motivated to bias their ranking dishonestly.
>> They only have to decide which candidates to approve, or where the cut-off
>> is between approval and disapproval.
>>
>> Given that there are, as before, two leading candidates, how does
>> Approval Voting affect whether one of those two leading candidates will
>> win? One of the two leading candidates is likely to win even with Approval
>> Voting, so it would appear there is no benefit, but that would be a
>> short-sighted way to judge a voting system. In subsequent elections, it
>> would seem likely that more candidates will run who have broader appeal to
>> ALL voters, not just a majority or plurality. Because the winning
>> candidates will be those who are most approved of by the most voters, there
>> will be no value in parties that typically focus on appealing to no more
>> than half of the voters.
>>
>> So I suspect the long-term use of Approval Voting would be
>> self-correcting toward better and better representation of ALL voters, not
>> just half the voters, because in each election, almost all of the voters
>> contribute to choosing the winning candidates, and that only gets better
>> over time as the candidates who decide to run get closer to receiving the
>> approval of all voters.
>>
>> Can any other voting system claim a similar long-term effect? Even a
>> voting system with three ranks, e.g. Approve, Neutral, Disapprove, would
>> encourage voters to approve one of the leading candidates, and give neutral
>> or disapprove votes to the rest. I wonder if Approval Voting might be the
>> ONLY system that has this long-term effect.
>>
>> What I am aiming for is a voting system that self-corrects over time. No
>> matter what voting system we choose, there is probably always going to be
>> at least some small bias, some inequities or incompleteness. So we need to
>> understand this and deal with it.
>>
>> But one important question should not be overlooked: What do we want to
>> self-correct toward? That is, what is the long-term goal? I believe we
>> should want to move toward a closer or better representation of society as
>> a whole, but there are other ways to look at that.
>>
>> Looking forward to reading your feedback.
>>
>> --
>> Daniel LaLiberte
>> daniel.laliberte@gmail.com
>>
>> ----
>> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list
>> info
>>
>>
>
>
>
> --
> Daniel LaLiberte
> daniel.laliberte@gmail.com
>
RB
robert bristow-johnson
Sat, Nov 26, 2016 5:50 AM
�
these are soooo loquacious that i don't (and cannot) read all through them. �and i haven't been reading any in the other titled threads.
---------------------------- Original Message ----------------------------
Subject: Re: [EM] Approval Voting and Long-term effects of voting systems
From: "Michael Ossipoff" email9648742@gmail.com
Date: Fri, November 25, 2016 10:48 pm
To: "Daniel LaLiberte" daniel.laliberte@gmail.com
Cc: "EM" election-methods@lists.electorama.com
There's good consensus at EM about MDDAsc being the best deluxe
not much conversation nor cross-conversation here to really discern a "good consensus" about anything.
i think, over the years, that there is consensus that IRV=bad but Plurality=worse.
I'd suggest that those 4 methods should be offered in
municipal and state voting-system reform.
it's dumb. �especially when you include Bucklin on the list of 4. �that's just dumb.
Let an initiative committee, &/or
the public (vial polls & focus-groups) choose among them, to choose the
best proposal for an initiative or referendum, or a legislated
�
you contact whomever you want in Burlington. �but you don't understand when a "voting-system reform" backfires and is repealed. �it sets back by a generation other "voting-system reform". �Burlington and Vermont are pretty liberal places and we have
the most successful third party in the United States. �we even had a gubernatorial election 2 years ago when the GOP got burned from Plurality. �(the Libertarian candidate had 3x the margin between the Dem Plurality winner and the GOP 2nd place.) �yet there is no talk of voting system
reform since IRV was repealed in 2010 a year after it messed up.
no one's gonna be looking at your voting system reform based on Approval voting. �it's because they will be skeptical to begin with. �they will ask basic questions and you are unable to answer an extremely basic
question: �How can this relieve voters of the burden of tactical voting when a voter cannot know, for sure, if their political interests are best expressed by Approving their second choice or not?
So rankings can soften voting errors, for rivals and for some
...but not for all overcompromisers. Some overcompromisers are so
overcompromising that the only thing that can keep them from voting
Compromise over Favorite is if they have an opportunity to rank them both
at top, with the assurance that top-voting Favorite can't possibly hurt
this is totally speculative. �you have no idea who the "overcompromisers" are, what their interests are, and what they would do with whatever ballot design. �and obviating the "overcompromizer's" motivation to over compromise by making a
ballot that encourages overcompromising (which is equally-approving their second choice to their fav) does nothing with the other set of voters that really want to support their favorite but still want to express support for their second-choice over the candidate they hate.
other words, for them, the method must allow equal
top-voting, and must meet FBC.
outside of any cycles (both with and without sincere voting), Condorcet is fine avoiding favorite betrayal. �and i am convinced that cycles in reality will be very rare. �and that is because Nader voters would chose Gore over Bush.
�and Bush voters would choose Gore over Nader. �(and it doesn't matter whether Gore voters would choose Nader over Bush or not because Gore was the centrist candidate.) �it just resolves the election the same way as it would if the CW run against any other candidate in a two-candidate
simple-majority race where everyone agrees how the votes should be counted. �no reward for betraying your favorite, all you do by bumping up your contingency candidate is help that candidate defeat your fav. doesn't help you defeat your hated candidate.
Aside from that psychological
need for rankings, Approval is better.
it's not merely a psychological need. �ranking is what we do to discern and differentiate whom voters (with equally weighted one-person-one-vote) prefer. �in a situation in Burlington, often liberals will "approve" of both the Prog and
the Dem (over someone more conservative). �they'll take either the Prog or the Dem over the conservative, but they may prefer one over the other. �Approval gives no mechanism for that differentiation of "which liberal do you prefer?" with such a voter (unless that voter does not
approve their second choice, in which case they cannot express their preference of their contingency candidate or second choice over their hated candidate.)
Approval, Score, Bucklin & MDDAsc are reliable and solid.
an opinion with no real support. �you cannot answer that basic challenge with either Approval or Score. �Bucklin is RCV and if it doesn't elect the Condorcet Winner, it has the same problem of legitimacy that IRV has
(which is why are we electing this Candidate B when more of us marked our ballots that we prefer Candidate A?). �you'll never get past your first 10 sentences introducing whatever MDDAsc to a legislature nor voting public to adopt. �(it's also the reason i don't think Schulze will get very
far, even if it's the best Condorcet.)
Michael and Daniel. �you guys are together form an echo-chamber. �you are more essentially cheerleaders for Approval than effective proponents.
--
r b-j � � � � � � � � �rbj@audioimagination.com
"Imagination is more important than knowledge."
�
these are soooo loquacious that i don't (and cannot) read all through them. �and i haven't been reading any in the other titled threads.
---------------------------- Original Message ----------------------------
Subject: Re: [EM] Approval Voting and Long-term effects of voting systems
From: "Michael Ossipoff" <email9648742@gmail.com>
Date: Fri, November 25, 2016 10:48 pm
To: "Daniel LaLiberte" <daniel.laliberte@gmail.com>
Cc: "EM" <election-methods@lists.electorama.com>
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
>
> There's good consensus at EM about MDDAsc being the best deluxe
> ranking-method.
not much conversation nor cross-conversation here to really discern a "good consensus" about anything.
i think, over the years, that there is consensus that IRV=bad but Plurality=worse.
> I'd suggest that those 4 methods should be offered in
proposals for
> municipal and state voting-system reform.
it's dumb. �especially when you include Bucklin on the list of 4. �that's just dumb.
> Let an initiative committee, &/or
> the public (vial polls & focus-groups) choose among them, to choose the
> best proposal for an initiative or referendum, or a legislated
> voting-system reform.
�
you contact whomever you want in Burlington. �but you don't understand when a "voting-system reform" backfires and is repealed. �it sets back by a generation other "voting-system reform". �Burlington and Vermont are pretty liberal places and we have
the most successful third party in the United States. �we even had a gubernatorial election 2 years ago when the GOP got burned from Plurality. �(the Libertarian candidate had 3x the margin between the Dem Plurality winner and the GOP 2nd place.) �yet there is no talk of voting system
reform since IRV was repealed in 2010 a year after it messed up.
no one's gonna be looking at your voting system reform based on Approval voting. �it's because they will be skeptical to begin with. �they will ask basic questions and you are unable to answer an extremely basic
question: �How can this relieve voters of the burden of tactical voting when a voter cannot know, for sure, if their political interests are best expressed by Approving their second choice or not?
>>> So rankings can soften voting errors, for rivals and for some
>>> overcompromisers.
>>>
>>> ...but not for all overcompromisers. Some overcompromisers are so
>>> overcompromising that the only thing that can keep them from voting
>>> Compromise over Favorite is if they have an opportunity to rank them both
>>> at top, with the assurance that top-voting Favorite can't possibly hurt
>>> Compromise.
this is totally speculative. �you have no idea who the "overcompromisers" are, what their interests are, and what they would do with whatever ballot design. �and obviating the "overcompromizer's" motivation to over compromise by making a
ballot that encourages overcompromising (which is equally-approving their second choice to their fav) does nothing with the other set of voters that really want to support their favorite but still want to express support for their second-choice over the candidate they hate.
>>> ....in
other words, for them, the method must allow equal
>>> top-voting, and must meet FBC.
outside of any cycles (both with and without sincere voting), Condorcet is fine avoiding favorite betrayal. �and i am convinced that cycles in reality will be very rare. �and that is because Nader voters would chose Gore over Bush.
�and Bush voters would choose Gore over Nader. �(and it doesn't matter whether Gore voters would choose Nader over Bush or not because Gore was the centrist candidate.) �it just resolves the election the same way as it would if the CW run against any other candidate in a two-candidate
simple-majority race where everyone agrees how the votes should be counted. �no reward for betraying your favorite, all you do by bumping up your contingency candidate is help that candidate defeat your fav. doesn't help you defeat your hated candidate.
> Aside from that psychological
need for rankings, Approval is better.
it's not merely a psychological need. �ranking is what we do to discern and differentiate whom voters (with equally weighted one-person-one-vote) prefer. �in a situation in Burlington, often liberals will "approve" of both the Prog and
the Dem (over someone more conservative). �they'll take either the Prog or the Dem over the conservative, but they may prefer one over the other. �Approval gives no mechanism for that differentiation of "which liberal do you prefer?" with such a voter (unless that voter does not
approve their second choice, in which case they cannot express their preference of their contingency candidate or second choice over their hated candidate.)
> Approval, Score, Bucklin & MDDAsc are reliable and solid.
an opinion with no real support. �you cannot answer that basic challenge with either Approval or Score. �Bucklin is RCV and if it doesn't elect the Condorcet Winner, it has the same problem of legitimacy that IRV has
(which is why are we electing this Candidate B when more of us marked our ballots that we prefer Candidate A?). �you'll never get past your first 10 sentences introducing whatever MDDAsc to a legislature nor voting public to adopt. �(it's also the reason i don't think Schulze will get very
far, even if it's the best Condorcet.)
Michael and Daniel. �you guys are together form an echo-chamber. �you are more essentially cheerleaders for Approval than effective proponents.
--
r b-j � � � � � � � � �rbj@audioimagination.com
"Imagination is more important than knowledge."
KM
Kristofer Munsterhjelm
Sat, Nov 26, 2016 2:27 PM
On 11/21/2016 07:08 AM, Daniel LaLiberte wrote:
This message is about two related subjects:
- Factoring in the long-term emergent effects of each voting system.
- An example of how Approval Voting results in better long-term effects.
Among the many criteria for evaluating voting systems
(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voting_system#Evaluating_voting_systems_using_criteria)
I don't see any that address the long-term effects of using each voting
system. In other words, the effect on one election is certainly
important, regarding the satisfaction of the election results by voters
and candidates. But I would argue that it is even more important to
consider the long-term effects that emerge when applying a voting system
repeatedly over many elections. A small bias one way or another may not
be very apparent if you only look at one election, but over may
elections, they can add up and perhaps compound the bias exponentially.
There are basically two ways of doing this, as far as I can see, without
actually running experiments.
The first one is to use game theory. Determine what the strong Nash
equilibrium is for the method in question, and if honesty is an
evolutionarily stable strategy.
The hard part about this is that Nash might be too strong: it assumes
that the voters know everybody else's honest votes and have unlimited
communication. That's something that sounds more appropriate for a
parliamentary setting than for large scale voting. An ESS can be more
appropriate: all we then need is that there's no "slippery slope" from
honesty down to some kind of strategy, but calculating it is hard, in
particular given that voting is a multiplayer game with a very large
number of players.
The second is to assume the worst and use properties as defenses against
strategy. For instance, if a single-winner method passes monotonicity,
there's no point in attempting pushover strategy because it won't work
(although I'd say that's not the main point of the monotonicity
criterion). Similarly, if a multiwinner method is weakly invulnerable to
Hylland free riding, there's very little point in trying to tempt fate
by voting E>F when your honest preference is X>Y>E>F, even if you think
X and Y are sure to win.
The logic is like that of an upper bound: if the method is completely
invulnerable to some kind of strategy, it'll also be invulnerable to
that strategy for the kind of ballots that appear in the real world.
The reason there's so little consideration of long term effect is that
they're hard to model, and getting any definite answers from game theory
is also hard. The closest you get are, I think, arguments of the form
that "method X passes criterion Y which is very important to deter the
kind of strategy that would render the method useless in practice, in
the long run". Different people disagree about which criteria are most
important, and there we are.
For instance, I think clone independence is important (to the degree it
generalizes to near clone situations) because parties could always run
multiple candidates instead of one, or third parties could be deterred
if there's a vote-splitting incentive. Others think the favorite
betrayal criterion is very important - possibly due to Plurality
elections forcing voters to choose between the lesser evil whereas a
method that passes the FBC would not.
There are many long-term effects to consider, but in particular, I am
thinking of one pernicious problem: the tendency for two major parties
to emerge and dominate all politics which results from the repeated
application of plurality voting. This problem is fairly easy for most
people to understand, although I am surprised to see that there seems to
be a lot of denial about this effect as well. Some would even defend
having only two major parties, or very few parties. That is an
interesting subject to discuss, but regardless, I believe we should be
aware of how our choice of a voting system will affect things over time,
how society is likely to evolve based on the rules we lay down, and in
fact, how it is actually very likely that the dominant forces in society
will quickly and vociferously defend whatever rules resulted in their
rise to dominance.
I would be in favor of multiple parties. An analogy I heard somewhere is
that in two-party systems, the "parties" are factions inside the two
parties, and negotiation about what factions get to govern is made
inside that party; and in multiparty systems, the parties/factions are
visible to the public as formally separate parties, and the negotiation
about what factions get to govern is made after the election, based on
electoral support.
So two-party systems has negotiation, then election; multiparty ones
have election, then negotiation. The latter seems much better to me,
since the voters have greater influence.
But back to this one question, studies and long-term experience have
shown that other voting systems besides plurality, in particular IRV,
also result in the dominance of two major parties. This may be more
surprising to people, but looking at the underlying cause, it seems we
can make a rather important simplifying argument about most voting
systems regarding this problem. I would assert that the underlying cause
of this problem of two-party dominance in any voting system is that it
gives voters the ability to rank or order at least one candidate higher
than the rest.
I agree that IRV leads to two party domination. Well, not quite. It
leads to "two and a half" party domination. Consider Australia: you have
Labour as the first party and LibNats as the other "one and a half"
party: they're technically two parties, but they coordinate among each
other how to act.
I would suggest a different effect for IRV leading to that sort of
problem, and that is center squeeze. IRV works fine under Plurality's
situations where you have two parties and a bunch of fringe ones, where
IRV easily excludes "noise" fringe parties. But, to use your phrase,
IRV's design misses the long term implications. As a third party grows
larger, it ceases to be a noise/fringe party and IRV gets confused.
Usually, IRV handles this confusion by eliminating the party with the
least intense support, i.e. the broad support compromise gets eliminated
early.
That's center squeeze, and it encourages voters to focus on first
preferences. That's a property of IRV, but not of, say, MAM or MJ.
The reason this ability to rank candidates becomes a problem is the
spoiler effect, where voters will have a strong motivation to give their
highest rank to one of the leading candidates. If they don't, then they
weaken the chance of that candidate winning and therefore strengthen the
chance of the less preferred leading candidate. Because one of the
leading candidates is likely to win, all the rest of the rankings of
non-leading candidates hardly matter at all.
Right. You've identified the spoiler effect as a problem. But you seem
to have drawn the conclusion that all ranked methods suffer from the
spoiler effect, and that in every method it must be true that "if [the
voters] don't, then they [...] strengthen the chance of the less
preferred leading candidate".
Consider Condorcet methods, for instance, where the winner is the
candidate who beats every other candidate one-on-one according to the
ballots. Suppose for the sake of the argument that such a winning
candidate exists. Then if some voters vote
very good > good > bad
or
good > bad,
there's no difference as far as the "good" vs "bad" contest goes.
Hence there's no spoiler effect. The spoiler effect only comes into play
when there's a Condorcet cycle, or if the votes lead to (or break) a
Condorcet cycle.
Now, since no ranked method passes IIA, it is of course possible that
the long term effects of every ranked method would be to push it towards
the type of elections it handles badly. If that were to happen,
Duverger's law could be reestablished. But there are a lot of "coulds"
here, and there's no evidence that every ranked method would be pushed
towards its vulnerable region in that manner, or that even if they were
to be, that it would lead to two-party hegemony.
As an analogy, two round runoff doesn't seem to lead to two-party rule.
See http://rangevoting.org/HonestRunoff.html. Yet delayed runoff
definitely fails IIA.
In any election, there will be two candidates who are the strongest in
terms of popular support, and thus the most likely to win. Consequently
(to grossly over-simplify the process) with any voting system that
permits ranking, groups of voters will tend to coalesce around support
for these two leading candidates to encourage everyone to support their
preferred leading candidate. Eventually two major parties arise, and
everyone who doesn't join one of these two major parties is excluded.
So once voters and candidates figure this out, any such voting system
ends up devolving into the dominance of two major parties that we get
with simple plurality voting. In fact, one might argue that plurality
voting is better just because it is simpler.
That happens if the voting method punishes not voting for the main two
to such an extent that the voters feel they're making the main party
they didn't vote for win. But it remains to be shown that all ranked
methods do punish voters that harshly.
But Approval Voting avoids this problem. Equal-rank approval votes mean
voters don't get the option to express their preferred ranking, but
because of that, they aren't at all motivated to bias their ranking
dishonestly. They only have to decide which candidates to approve, or
where the cut-off is between approval and disapproval.
Given that there are, as before, two leading candidates, how does
Approval Voting affect whether one of those two leading candidates will
win? One of the two leading candidates is likely to win even with
Approval Voting, so it would appear there is no benefit, but that would
be a short-sighted way to judge a voting system. In subsequent
elections, it would seem likely that more candidates will run who have
broader appeal to ALL voters, not just a majority or plurality. Because
the winning candidates will be those who are most approved of by the
most voters, there will be no value in parties that typically focus on
appealing to no more than half of the voters.
I don't see why, on the other hand, the above won't apply to voting
methods that don't punish voters harshly, and on the other, the above
necessarily applies to Approval.
Consider a country that changes from Plurality to Approval. There are
two strong parties (call them X and Y) and a lot of smaller ones. The
smaller parties' supporters could easily be imagined to say:
I despise Y. I like small party W, but if I vote only for W, Y might
win. So I'll vote for W and X.
If everybody does that, then (surprise, surprise) X or Y likely still
wins. The only situation where some W would win is if W really had the
greatest support but everybody had an illusion that X or Y had the
greatest support; but such a situation would also lead W to win in a
reasonable ranked method.
So now suppose that, either through polling or throughout the course of
many elections, W becomes a contender at about the same support level of
X. Now X's supporters have a problem: they can either play it safe by
voting for both X and W, or risk it by voting for W alone. But they
can't know which it is, and if they get it wrong, they may be
(understandably) annoyed afterwards.
In contrast, in a reasonable ranked method, these voters can rank W>X>Y.
So I suspect the long-term use of Approval Voting would be
self-correcting toward better and better representation of ALL voters,
not just half the voters, because in each election, almost all of the
voters contribute to choosing the winning candidates, and that only gets
better over time as the candidates who decide to run get closer to
receiving the approval of all voters.
Can any other voting system claim a similar long-term effect? Even a
voting system with three ranks, e.g. Approve, Neutral, Disapprove, would
encourage voters to approve one of the leading candidates, and give
neutral or disapprove votes to the rest. I wonder if Approval Voting
might be the ONLY system that has this long-term effect.
What I am aiming for is a voting system that self-corrects over time.
No matter what voting system we choose, there is probably always going
to be at least some small bias, some inequities or incompleteness. So
we need to understand this and deal with it.
I think it would have to have two properties. First, what bias exists
mustn't lead too strongly in either small-party or large-party bias. If
you have large-party bias, you get two party rule. If you have
small-party bias, you get centralized party management like in Hong Kong
as every party splits into a miniparty that is coordinated from larger
party bases.
Second, it has to give generally good results. Random ballot is
strategyproof but doesn't give good results. IMHO, IRV's failure is
moreso this than that it's easy to strategize: it behaves erratically
and the voters compensate by playing it safe.
But one important question should not be overlooked: What do we want to
self-correct toward? That is, what is the long-term goal? I believe we
should want to move toward a closer or better representation of society
as a whole, but there are other ways to look at that.
If you take a very long perspective, it might be the case that party
democracy itself can be improved upon, in which case what election
method we use is irrelevant. If something like Gohlke's recursive
democracy is better, then that sidesteps direct elections altogether. Of
course, one can ask similar mechanism design questions of the system
that ends up being better. For instance, I discussed the need for
minority representation in Gohlke's method, where I thought requiring a
supermajority for the lower levels to support a higher level (and/or
having larger groups than three) could help with this, and where Gohlke
settled on a party declaration mechanism.
On 11/21/2016 07:08 AM, Daniel LaLiberte wrote:
> This message is about two related subjects:
>
> 1. Factoring in the long-term emergent effects of each voting system.
> 2. An example of how Approval Voting results in better long-term effects.
>
> Among the many criteria for evaluating voting systems
> (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voting_system#Evaluating_voting_systems_using_criteria)
> I don't see any that address the long-term effects of using each voting
> system. In other words, the effect on one election is certainly
> important, regarding the satisfaction of the election results by voters
> and candidates. But I would argue that it is even more important to
> consider the long-term effects that emerge when applying a voting system
> repeatedly over many elections. A small bias one way or another may not
> be very apparent if you only look at one election, but over may
> elections, they can add up and perhaps compound the bias exponentially.
There are basically two ways of doing this, as far as I can see, without
actually running experiments.
The first one is to use game theory. Determine what the strong Nash
equilibrium is for the method in question, and if honesty is an
evolutionarily stable strategy.
The hard part about this is that Nash might be too strong: it assumes
that the voters know everybody else's honest votes and have unlimited
communication. That's something that sounds more appropriate for a
parliamentary setting than for large scale voting. An ESS can be more
appropriate: all we then need is that there's no "slippery slope" from
honesty down to some kind of strategy, but calculating it is hard, in
particular given that voting is a multiplayer game with a very large
number of players.
The second is to assume the worst and use properties as defenses against
strategy. For instance, if a single-winner method passes monotonicity,
there's no point in attempting pushover strategy because it won't work
(although I'd say that's not the main point of the monotonicity
criterion). Similarly, if a multiwinner method is weakly invulnerable to
Hylland free riding, there's very little point in trying to tempt fate
by voting E>F when your honest preference is X>Y>E>F, even if you think
X and Y are sure to win.
The logic is like that of an upper bound: if the method is completely
invulnerable to some kind of strategy, it'll also be invulnerable to
that strategy for the kind of ballots that appear in the real world.
The reason there's so little consideration of long term effect is that
they're hard to model, and getting any definite answers from game theory
is also hard. The closest you get are, I think, arguments of the form
that "method X passes criterion Y which is very important to deter the
kind of strategy that would render the method useless in practice, in
the long run". Different people disagree about which criteria are most
important, and there we are.
For instance, I think clone independence is important (to the degree it
generalizes to near clone situations) because parties could always run
multiple candidates instead of one, or third parties could be deterred
if there's a vote-splitting incentive. Others think the favorite
betrayal criterion is very important - possibly due to Plurality
elections forcing voters to choose between the lesser evil whereas a
method that passes the FBC would not.
> There are many long-term effects to consider, but in particular, I am
> thinking of one pernicious problem: the tendency for two major parties
> to emerge and dominate all politics which results from the repeated
> application of plurality voting. This problem is fairly easy for most
> people to understand, although I am surprised to see that there seems to
> be a lot of denial about this effect as well. Some would even defend
> having only two major parties, or very few parties. That is an
> interesting subject to discuss, but regardless, I believe we should be
> aware of how our choice of a voting system will affect things over time,
> how society is likely to evolve based on the rules we lay down, and in
> fact, how it is actually very likely that the dominant forces in society
> will quickly and vociferously defend whatever rules resulted in their
> rise to dominance.
I would be in favor of multiple parties. An analogy I heard somewhere is
that in two-party systems, the "parties" are factions inside the two
parties, and negotiation about what factions get to govern is made
inside that party; and in multiparty systems, the parties/factions are
visible to the public as formally separate parties, and the negotiation
about what factions get to govern is made after the election, based on
electoral support.
So two-party systems has negotiation, then election; multiparty ones
have election, then negotiation. The latter seems much better to me,
since the voters have greater influence.
> But back to this one question, studies and long-term experience have
> shown that other voting systems besides plurality, in particular IRV,
> also result in the dominance of two major parties. This may be more
> surprising to people, but looking at the underlying cause, it seems we
> can make a rather important simplifying argument about most voting
> systems regarding this problem. I would assert that the underlying cause
> of this problem of two-party dominance in any voting system is that it
> gives voters the ability to rank or order at least one candidate higher
> than the rest.
I agree that IRV leads to two party domination. Well, not quite. It
leads to "two and a half" party domination. Consider Australia: you have
Labour as the first party and LibNats as the other "one and a half"
party: they're technically two parties, but they coordinate among each
other how to act.
I would suggest a different effect for IRV leading to that sort of
problem, and that is center squeeze. IRV works fine under Plurality's
situations where you have two parties and a bunch of fringe ones, where
IRV easily excludes "noise" fringe parties. But, to use your phrase,
IRV's design misses the long term implications. As a third party grows
larger, it ceases to be a noise/fringe party and IRV gets confused.
Usually, IRV handles this confusion by eliminating the party with the
least intense support, i.e. the broad support compromise gets eliminated
early.
That's center squeeze, and it encourages voters to focus on first
preferences. That's a property of IRV, but not of, say, MAM or MJ.
> The reason this ability to rank candidates becomes a problem is the
> spoiler effect, where voters will have a strong motivation to give their
> highest rank to one of the leading candidates. If they don't, then they
> weaken the chance of that candidate winning and therefore strengthen the
> chance of the less preferred leading candidate. Because one of the
> leading candidates is likely to win, all the rest of the rankings of
> non-leading candidates hardly matter at all.
Right. You've identified the spoiler effect as a problem. But you seem
to have drawn the conclusion that *all* ranked methods suffer from the
spoiler effect, and that in every method it must be true that "if [the
voters] don't, then they [...] strengthen the chance of the less
preferred leading candidate".
Consider Condorcet methods, for instance, where the winner is the
candidate who beats every other candidate one-on-one according to the
ballots. Suppose for the sake of the argument that such a winning
candidate exists. Then if some voters vote
very good > good > bad
or
good > bad,
there's no difference as far as the "good" vs "bad" contest goes.
Hence there's no spoiler effect. The spoiler effect only comes into play
when there's a Condorcet cycle, or if the votes lead to (or break) a
Condorcet cycle.
Now, since no ranked method passes IIA, it is of course possible that
the long term effects of every ranked method would be to push it towards
the type of elections it handles badly. If that were to happen,
Duverger's law could be reestablished. But there are a lot of "coulds"
here, and there's no evidence that every ranked method would be pushed
towards its vulnerable region in that manner, or that even if they were
to be, that it would lead to two-party hegemony.
As an analogy, two round runoff doesn't seem to lead to two-party rule.
See http://rangevoting.org/HonestRunoff.html. Yet delayed runoff
definitely fails IIA.
> In any election, there will be two candidates who are the strongest in
> terms of popular support, and thus the most likely to win. Consequently
> (to grossly over-simplify the process) with any voting system that
> permits ranking, groups of voters will tend to coalesce around support
> for these two leading candidates to encourage everyone to support their
> preferred leading candidate. Eventually two major parties arise, and
> everyone who doesn't join one of these two major parties is excluded.
>
> So once voters and candidates figure this out, any such voting system
> ends up devolving into the dominance of two major parties that we get
> with simple plurality voting. In fact, one might argue that plurality
> voting is better just because it is simpler.
That happens if the voting method punishes not voting for the main two
to such an extent that the voters feel they're making the main party
they didn't vote for win. But it remains to be shown that all ranked
methods do punish voters that harshly.
> But Approval Voting avoids this problem. Equal-rank approval votes mean
> voters don't get the option to express their preferred ranking, but
> because of that, they aren't at all motivated to bias their ranking
> dishonestly. They only have to decide which candidates to approve, or
> where the cut-off is between approval and disapproval.
>
> Given that there are, as before, two leading candidates, how does
> Approval Voting affect whether one of those two leading candidates will
> win? One of the two leading candidates is likely to win even with
> Approval Voting, so it would appear there is no benefit, but that would
> be a short-sighted way to judge a voting system. In subsequent
> elections, it would seem likely that more candidates will run who have
> broader appeal to ALL voters, not just a majority or plurality. Because
> the winning candidates will be those who are most approved of by the
> most voters, there will be no value in parties that typically focus on
> appealing to no more than half of the voters.
I don't see why, on the other hand, the above won't apply to voting
methods that don't punish voters harshly, and on the other, the above
necessarily applies to Approval.
Consider a country that changes from Plurality to Approval. There are
two strong parties (call them X and Y) and a lot of smaller ones. The
smaller parties' supporters could easily be imagined to say:
I despise Y. I like small party W, but if I vote only for W, Y might
win. So I'll vote for W and X.
If everybody does that, then (surprise, surprise) X or Y likely still
wins. The only situation where some W would win is if W really had the
greatest support but everybody had an illusion that X or Y had the
greatest support; but such a situation would also lead W to win in a
reasonable ranked method.
So now suppose that, either through polling or throughout the course of
many elections, W becomes a contender at about the same support level of
X. Now X's supporters have a problem: they can either play it safe by
voting for both X and W, or risk it by voting for W alone. But they
can't know which it is, and if they get it wrong, they may be
(understandably) annoyed afterwards.
In contrast, in a reasonable ranked method, these voters can rank W>X>Y.
> So I suspect the long-term use of Approval Voting would be
> self-correcting toward better and better representation of ALL voters,
> not just half the voters, because in each election, almost all of the
> voters contribute to choosing the winning candidates, and that only gets
> better over time as the candidates who decide to run get closer to
> receiving the approval of all voters.
>
> Can any other voting system claim a similar long-term effect? Even a
> voting system with three ranks, e.g. Approve, Neutral, Disapprove, would
> encourage voters to approve one of the leading candidates, and give
> neutral or disapprove votes to the rest. I wonder if Approval Voting
> might be the ONLY system that has this long-term effect.
>
> What I am aiming for is a voting system that self-corrects over time.
> No matter what voting system we choose, there is probably always going
> to be at least some small bias, some inequities or incompleteness. So
> we need to understand this and deal with it.
I think it would have to have two properties. First, what bias exists
mustn't lead too strongly in either small-party or large-party bias. If
you have large-party bias, you get two party rule. If you have
small-party bias, you get centralized party management like in Hong Kong
as every party splits into a miniparty that is coordinated from larger
party bases.
Second, it has to give generally good results. Random ballot is
strategyproof but doesn't give good results. IMHO, IRV's failure is
moreso this than that it's easy to strategize: it behaves erratically
and the voters compensate by playing it safe.
> But one important question should not be overlooked: What do we want to
> self-correct toward? That is, what is the long-term goal? I believe we
> should want to move toward a closer or better representation of society
> as a whole, but there are other ways to look at that.
If you take a very long perspective, it might be the case that party
democracy itself can be improved upon, in which case what election
method we use is irrelevant. If something like Gohlke's recursive
democracy is better, then that sidesteps direct elections altogether. Of
course, one can ask similar mechanism design questions of the system
that ends up being better. For instance, I discussed the need for
minority representation in Gohlke's method, where I thought requiring a
supermajority for the lower levels to support a higher level (and/or
having larger groups than three) could help with this, and where Gohlke
settled on a party declaration mechanism.
MO
Michael Ossipoff
Sat, Nov 26, 2016 9:52 PM
Regarding my done-with "discussion" with Robert, I don't want to sound
unfair to Condorcet in that discussion.
wv Condorcet is truncation-proof, and only burial can threaten a CWs.
But:
- RP(margins) isn't wv Condorcet. Condorcet(margins) is vulnerable to
strategic or innocent (inadvertent, principled, hurried, etc.) truncation,
which can easily take the win away from a CWs.
Also, as a result, FBC is spoiled more easily with margins Condorcet.
- Condorcetists seem to forget that, just because you like the CWs, that
doesn't mean that everyone does. Say the CWs is in your strong top-set, and
that the other wing is your strong bottom-set.
Then isn't most likely that the CWs is in the other wing's strong
bottom-set?
That means that they're pretty much indifferent between the CWs and the
candidates of your wing.
They really have nothing to lose by buring, and risking the election of
someone they like (negligibly) less than the CWs.
That could easily lead to the perpetual burial fiasco.
The good thing about that is that continual penalized burials by the
opposite wing will keep electing from your wing.
But let's not claim that Condorcet is sure to elect the CWs, as some
Condorcetists claim.
MAM is pretty good, and if continual penalized burial by the opposite wing
will keep electing from my wing, I have no problem with that.
But the possibility of a successful burial spoils FBC, in Condorcet.
And, unless a burial is countered by plumping by the CWs's voters, then the
burial works.
All rank methods are subject to burial strategy, and all are vulnerable to
un-deterred burial of a CWs whom the buriers don't like much more than the
opposite wing--maybe a CWs who is in their strong bottoom-set.
But:
Though MDDAsc isn't fully truncation-proof (because of the
symmetric-completion), and though refusal to rank or approve past the CWs
can't be counted on the prevent a burial from resulting in everyone being
majority-disqualified, MDDAsc has the extra line-of-defense of your
approvals. If you, and many like you, don't rank or approve past the CWs,
or past the candidates you like (maybe your strong top-set), then those
approvals, just as in Approval, can prevent the election of someone
disapproved by a majoriity, when the CWs is approved by a majority.
MDDAsc's approval largely fixes or avoids the pairwise-count problems.
About Approval:
Robert was insisting on holding to the belief that it's essential that we
choose among our strong top-set, instead of just choosing that set over
the strong bottom-set.
As I've said, that insistence results in an increased probability of
electing from one's strong bottom-set.
So, all the strategy problems that Robert was bringing up were the result
of that insistence and goal. That goal isn't what Approval is for.
I tried to get it across that Approval is about a completely different kind
of voting.
Well, that's an example of something that I've been saying: A lot of people
want rankings. A lot of people (overcompromisers & rival parties) might
need rankings, to avoid their voting errors.
Anyway, I've quit that "discussion" because an angry flamewarrior-assertion
attack-rant isn't discussion, and it was evident that my effort for a
discussion there was futile.
Michael Ossipoff
On Thu, Nov 24, 2016 at 6:34 PM, Michael Ossipoff email9648742@gmail.com
wrote:
There are other reasons why Approval is the best:
If you're a progressive (and everyone in the 99% would benefit
tremendously from an honest, progressive government), then there are two
blatantly, sharply-distinct sets of candidates: Progressives and
Republocrats. It's a matter of honest & progressive, vs corrupt, dishonest
and corporate-owned.
That's an instance of what I call a "strong top-set" and a "strong
bottom-set", defined as follows:
A strong top-set and a strong bottom-set are two sets of candidates such
that the merit difference between the sets is incomparably more important
than the merit difference within the sets.
In other words the merit difference within the sets is entirely
negligible in comparison to the merit difference between the sets.
Your goal, then, is just to elect from your strong top-set.
That's innomparably more important than choosing among your strong
top-set, or trying to keep one strong bottom-set member from winning
instead of another strong bottom-set member.
...and of course it's the strong top-set that you prefer to the strong
bottom-set.
Approval could be called "Set-Voting". It's a perfect match for what you
want to do: Maximize the probability of electing from your strong top-set.
Approval asks the right question.
For the person who has a strong top-set and a strong bottom-set, it's
possible to say what the objective best method is: It's Approval.
What about for people who do not have such a clear distinction between
the top and bottom sets?
Yes, that situation could exist when we have democracy, and an authentic
political system. Then, as I mentioned, members of the 99% likely wouldn't
have a bottom-set, because the Republocrats would no longer be winnable,
and would no longer be in the elections.
Where they draw the line is a harder decision and will probably factor in
the likelihood that various candidates will win.
Yes, if such information is available. But now, with our intentionally
disinformational media, there isn't any predictive information that's any
good.
...except for the few honest polls that aren't so blatantly avoidably
sample-biased.
I discussed one such in my previous reply. But few people ever hear of
those polls, and, for most people, the mass-media are the
information-source. For those people, it's definitely a 0-info election.
That's why I'd urge people to just disregard purported predictive
"information", if we were to somehow get Approval voting now.
Say your preferences are A>B>C, and you have good reliable information
that A won't be competitive, and that it will effectively be between only B
& C.
Then, if you don't have strong top & bottom sets, and therefore you're
voting to maximize your expectation, then you'd of course approve both A &
B.
In general, absent strong top & bottom sets, you'd vote to maximize your
expectation. Specifically, if you additionally have good predictive
information, you'd use it, as described immediately above.
But, for these days, forget about the election really being between two
purported frontrunners.
So then, what do you do when there's no good predictive information?
For one thing, the merit differences between successive candidates in your
ranking might not be the same.
Say your merit ranking is A>B>>C, meaning that C is farther below B than B
is below A. Then, given the more important distinction between B and C, as
compared to between A & B. So, with 0-info, it would be natural to approve
both A & B.
Other ways of looking at 0-info strategy:
With no strong top & bottom sets, you could still vote to maximize your
expectation, with a 0-info strategy:
Given some way (that I'll get to in a minute) to estimate what is the
likely result-merit to expect, then you can maximize your expectation by
approving down to that merit-level. Why that's so:
If a certain merit is expected for the result, then of course if you
approve someone better than that, you raise your expectation some. And if
you approve someone worse than that, then you worsen your expectation.
So you can maximize your expectation by approving (only) all of the
candidates who are better than the expected result-merit.
So how would you estimate the expected result-merit, in a 0-info election?:
Several estimates are suggested, the choice depending on your assumption
about how the candidate-distribution is related to the voter-distribution.
It isn't certain whether your approval cutoff should the mean, the median,
or the midrange of the candidates' merit.
If you don't believe that the candidates' distribution is close to the
voters' distribution (and if a 1-dimensional political spectrum is
assumed), then it's probably best to approve down to the midrange of the
candidates' merit.
That's a rough estimate of the merit-level where the middle of the
voting-population is, and is a rough estimate of your expected
result-merit. ...the point that you want to approve down to.
But, if there's some reason to believe that the candidate-distribution is
similar to the voter-distribution, then the mean or median could be better.
If voters & candidates are similarly distributed, candidates tending to be
where voters are, then each candidate would have similar proximity to the
same number of voters, makinig them all equally likelly to win. That's the
assumption that justifies the candidate merit-mean as the expected
result-merit and a good approval cutoff.
It might not be easy to estimate the candidate merit-mean, in which case
the median could be used. The median could be used as an estimate of the
mean. Then, just approve the best half of the candidates.
That's a reasonable estimate, because, if voters & candidates have the
same distsribution, then the merit-region with half of the candidates could
be expected to contain half of the voters.
So that's how you could do expectation-maximization strategy in a 0-info
election.
But I emphasize that, in a 0-info election (or even in any election) it
isn't necessary to do expectation-maximization strategy.
Say, because there aren't strong top & bottom sets, it isn't as obvious
where to put the approval-cutoff. If it's really uncertain whether (for
example) you want to approve {A,B} against {C}, or to approve {A} against
{B,C}.
I point out that, if you don't know which is the set that you want to
approve against the worse candidates, then it doesn't matter. If you
don't know which is better, then is either way of voting better than the
other? I suggest no.
So, if someone isn't interested in expectation-maximization strategy, then
they needn't use it. The strategies that I discussed earlier are only for
people who like them, who like strategy.
...because, if you don't know which way of voting is better, then neither
is better than the other.
You could flp a coin. If the method were Score (which is best regarded as
Approval with fractional approvals allowed), then you could give candidate
B half-maximum points. Flipping a coin is the probabilistic way to achieve
that. ...giving the same result when there are a lot of voters.
Anyway, of course, when there are no strong top & bottom sets, then if you
feel better about one way of approving (like approving only A, or approving
A & B), then that's the best way to approve. No need to question whether
that's right or best. It's right & best.
Now, some people want to have it both ways. They want to elect from
their strong top-set, but they also want the luxury of choosing among
that set.
It doesn't work that way. You can't have it both ways.
If a voting-system allows you a choice between casting an effective
approval-set vote, or ranking the candidates in order of preference , and
you choose the latter, then you're increasing the probability of electing
from your strong bottom-set
I assume you mean ranking candidates honestly. So the choice with a
ranking system seems to come down to:
- Rank honestly and risk electing from the strong bottom-set, or
- Rank strategically by ranking one of the leading candidates in the
top-set higher than your favorite, and risk that your favorite might not
win.
If you want to maximize the probability of electing from your strong
top-set, then you should equal top-rank all of them, and bottom-rank (by
not ranking them) your strong bottom-set.
But what happens if you can rank a leading candidate and your favorite
the same? Then you avoid that dilemma, right?
Yes. Top-rank all of your strong top-set, to maximize the probability of
electing one of them.
This is what happens, in part, with Approval Voting at least regarding
those two candidates. So let me add this third alternative.
- Rank one of your preferred leading candidates and your favorite
candidate the same, and avoid the above risks.
Yes. Top-rank all of your strong top-set.
And if this is true, then my guess is that the same applies to all the
rest of the candidates you might otherwise rank lower. In other words,
giving them all the same rank, as in Approval Voting, avoids the problems
of ranking them according to your honest preferences.
Yes, that's the best vote.
[replying farther down] :
So, rank methods don't improve on Approval. As I said, improvements on
Approval are illusory.
Well, the nearest thing to a "problem" that Approval has is the
chicken-dilemma, and some rank methods can avoid the chicken-dilemma.
That's the only genuine excuse to use a rank-method. There are methods
that both avoid chicken-dilemma, and meet FBC. The best way to use such a
method is to top-rank all of your strong top-set, and not rank any of your
strong bottom-set.
...and, if there's a chicken-dilemma, then you can make use of that
rank-method's way of deterring chicken-dilemma defection...as the only
exception from voting as in Approval, by top-ranking your strong top-set.
That's really the only justification for a rank method.
Maybe the way to consider the chicken dilemma is in the context of what
happens over time.
Yes. But the immediately current election can be important too, aside from
the obvious long-term incentives to not defect.
Let me briefly re-state the chicken-dilemma:
Its standard example is where a majority prefer A & B to C, and the
size-order of the factions is: C>A>B, and the C voters are indifferent
between A & B, and don't vote between them:
In a current election, there are several ways that chicken dilemma can be
mitigated or dealt with:
- Maybe it's obvious to all that the A faction is most likely larger than
the B faction. The A voters could say to the B voters:
We're bigger, and so, between A & B, we're the rightful winner. You should
therefore support A. For that reason, and to not encourage you to defect
and take advantage of our co-operativeness, we're only approving A. If you
defect, C will win. Support the larger of {A,B}, and help us to keep C from
winning.
- Or maybe it isn't obvious which of {A,B} is has a larger faction.
The A voters could give B just the amount of vote that would be enough to
enable A to beat C if the A faction is bigger than the B faction. They
could point out to the B voters that they should do the same.
Example:
Say the best estimate available is that the C faction is 40% of the voters.
The A voters could say to the B voters:
C probably will get about 40%, as the best estimate.
Suppose that the A & B factions are about equal. Suppose that you have
31%, and we have 29%.
We're going to give you just enough votes to win.
We're going to give you 10%. Then you'll have 41%, to C's 40%. You'll win.
We'll do that by each of us giving you 10/29 of a vote.
But, just in case it's we who have 31%, and you who have 29%, each of you
should likewise give us 10/29 of a vote.
With you having 31%, and us having 29%, then you're giving us:
31 X (10/29) = 10.69
29 + 10.69 = 39.69
That's less than your 41%, and you win, with more votes than us and more
votes than C.
- If the B voters were organizing a defection, or even if a lot of B
voters felt like defecting, either way it would be discussed, and would be
overheard, and couldn't remain secret. So the A voters could say to the B
voters, "We hear that you're considering defecting. So we won't approve B.
So you should approve A, the larger, or at least the more honest, of the
{A,B} factions, so that C
But, as you suggested, the situation is better-still in the longterm
-
The B voters would know that if they defect, then they'll be out of
luck next time they need help from the A voters. They won't be able to
expect any help from the A voters.
-
In fact, the A voters could announce a specific strategy of
"Tit-For-Tat":
The A voters will start by co-operating, and then subsequently will do
whatever the B voters did in the previous election (co-operate or defect).
I would expect that repeated applications of Approval Voting will result
in having more candidates run who will appeal to many more voters. We're
not used to thinking in terms of the broad appeal, such as what Bernie has
gotten, and he had a huge struggle just getting noticed, at first.
Not for any reason other than a media blackout. Emails between the DNC and
the Hillary campaign established a common goal to, by whatever dirty tricks
necessary, make sure that Bernie doesn't win the nomination.
Bernie's media access & support was a tiny fraction of Hillary's.
And it would be naive to believe that that the effort didn't include
count-fraud.
Most likely Bernie won the primary. It's pretty much agreed all-around
that Bernie was the candidate who was popular enough to easily beat Donald
in an honest count, and that Hillary was the only person who could lose to
Donald in an honest count.
So why would the Democrats nominate Hillary, the despised likely loser?
There's no reason to call that an "error" or "mistake". Our rulers main
purpose in an election is to avoid the election of someone honest, ethical
and unbought. That's incomparably more important to ruling interest, than
the matter of whether the winner is a Democrat or a Republican. Therefore,
the nomination of likely-loser Hillary was the best strategy for the
regime, whose only risk to continued rule would be the election of someone
honest.
Why would the regime have any intention of letting itself be voted out of
power?
Why should it leave that to chance, or to us, the voters?
As for the Hillary-Donald election, who knows whether or not it was
honestly-counted. It wouldn't & doesn't matter.
I expect more like Bernie will come out of the woodwork if they were
rewarded for doing so.
Yes, admittedly there isn't much reason for progressives to run now. And
people know very well that they can't win ...but not for the reason that
they might think. Bernie or Jill could get 100% of the votes, and wouldn't
"win"
.
Anyway, the result of having more candidates that most voters like is
that it won't matter so much that there are three candidates who are close
enough in popularity to possibly result in a surprising win by the slightly
less popular candidate.
It would be "harder" to choose, when there are no bad candidates, and so
many good ones. That wouldn't be a bad thing.
Then again, the chicken dilemma might be a motivation for cooperating
between similar candidates to pick one of them rather than letting all
run. I.e. parties.
Sure, maybe there'd be come negotiation between the parties & factions, a
sort of people's primary. But of course that wouldn't be nearly as
necessary with Approval as it would be with Plurailty.
If the count were honest, and the voting-system is Plurality, then the
progressives' best strategy would be to all vote for the most popular &
best-known progressive candidate. That's Jill Stein. (Bernie has proved to
be really a Hillary-promoter).
This posting is already long, so I'll post it now, as Part 2.
Part 3 will be along no later than tomorrow morning (Friday, November
25th).
(I don't have a way to delete texts. All of my replies in this posting are
above this point.)
Michael Ossipoff
But, for some electorates, maybe ours here, there's a psychological
need for rankings. Some overcompromisers (as I said) would insist on
approving Hillary, along with Jill.
But some of those, if they had a rank-method, would be content to rank
Hillary a little below Jill. For them, the rank method improved their
voting. For that type of overcompromiser, a rank method softens their
voting errors.
Ranking can likewise soften the voting errors of rival parties who are
so inimical (though close in policy proposals) that they'd refuse to
approve eachother in Aproval.
Don't know if I care about such cases. Maybe we should punish (or not
reward) all the rival parties who are so inimical even though they are
close in policy proposals.
Again, I think it is useful to think where Approval Voting, or other
systems, are likely to take us. What we have currently is widely
recognized as an aberration, which is, I believe, a repeated result of the
application of Plurality Voting, which creates two dominant parties that
concentrate more and more over time, as they increasingly ignore the rest
of the people until they can't stand it any longer.
So we shouldn't judge Approval Voting, or other systems, strictly on how
they would respond to our current situation.
So rankings can soften voting errors, for rivals and for some
overcompromisers.
...but not for all overcompromisers. Some overcompromisers are so
overcompromising that the only thing that can keep them from voting
Compromise over Favorite is if they have an opportunity to rank them both
at top, with the assurance that top-voting Favorite can't possibly hurt
Compromise. ....in other words, for them, the method must allow equal
top-voting, and must meet FBC.
As I suggested above. Yeah!
So, what kind of method would meet the needs of both of those 2 kinds of
overcompromisers? It would be a method that allows equal top-voting, meets
FBC, but also allows ranking. ...and preferably it should give good
protection of higher-ranked candidates against lower-ranked ones.
There are a number of good methods that have those attributes. Bucklin
is the familiar one, During the Progressive Era, Bucklin was used in at
leasts 39 cities.
There are others too.
I'll have to think about it some more, but I am not sure the complexity
of more than one level of ranking is worth the trouble and risk, especially
for the current level of society. But I wouldn't want to exclude it, if
there is value and it can be applied reliably.
But I've only been talking about the psychological need for ranking.
But I mentioned earlier that, disregarding that psychological need, there's
really only one genuine practical use for a rank-method: Avoiding chicken
dilemma.
Chicken dilemma protection is very costly in terms of problems that come
with it, to the detriment of other properties. ...especially to the
detriment of the method's general protection of higher middle-ranked
candidates against lower-ranked ones and unranked ones.
But, because the chicken dilemma is a genuine reason to use rankings,
and the only genuine reason, I'd prefer to have chicken dilemma
protection,even at the cost of general protection of middle-ranked
candidates.
Again, I am not sure the chicken dilemma is necessarily as severe a
problem as you make it sound, once we stabilize around new political
patterns that result from years of Approval Voting, but I'll have to think
about it more.
We've been discussing a few methods that meet FBC, have a way of
avoiding chicken dilemma, and give as good a general protection to
mid-ranked candidates as can be gotten in a method that meets FBC & avoids
chicken dilemma.
They're Simmons' method ( MDDA(pt/2) ), and MMPO(pt/2).
MMPO(pt/2)'s chicken dilemma deterrence is automatic, but its general
protection of middle-ranked candidates is uniformly questionable, chancy,
something of a crapshoot.
Simmons' method does a top job of that general protection for the
middle-ranked candidates against whom you aren't using the chicken-dilemma
defection-deterence measure (...which consists of denying them approval)..
With that, I'll conclude this note.
Michael Ossipoff
On Mon, Nov 21, 2016 at 1:08 AM, Daniel LaLiberte <
daniel.laliberte@gmail.com> wrote:
This message is about two related subjects:
- Factoring in the long-term emergent effects of each voting system.
- An example of how Approval Voting results in better long-term
effects.
Among the many criteria for evaluating voting systems (
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voting_system#Evaluating_voti
ng_systems_using_criteria) I don't see any that address the long-term
effects of using each voting system. In other words, the effect on one
election is certainly important, regarding the satisfaction of the election
results by voters and candidates. But I would argue that it is even more
important to consider the long-term effects that emerge when applying a
voting system repeatedly over many elections. A small bias one way or
another may not be very apparent if you only look at one election, but over
may elections, they can add up and perhaps compound the bias exponentially.
There are many long-term effects to consider, but in particular, I am
thinking of one pernicious problem: the tendency for two major parties to
emerge and dominate all politics which results from the repeated
application of plurality voting. This problem is fairly easy for most
people to understand, although I am surprised to see that there seems to be
a lot of denial about this effect as well. Some would even defend having
only two major parties, or very few parties. That is an interesting
subject to discuss, but regardless, I believe we should be aware of how our
choice of a voting system will affect things over time, how society is
likely to evolve based on the rules we lay down, and in fact, how it is
actually very likely that the dominant forces in society will quickly and
vociferously defend whatever rules resulted in their rise to dominance.
But back to this one question, studies and long-term experience have
shown that other voting systems besides plurality, in particular IRV, also
result in the dominance of two major parties. This may be more surprising
to people, but looking at the underlying cause, it seems we can make a
rather important simplifying argument about most voting systems regarding
this problem. I would assert that the underlying cause of this problem of
two-party dominance in any voting system is that it gives voters the
ability to rank or order at least one candidate higher than the rest.
The reason this ability to rank candidates becomes a problem is the
spoiler effect, where voters will have a strong motivation to give their
highest rank to one of the leading candidates. If they don't, then they
weaken the chance of that candidate winning and therefore strengthen the
chance of the less preferred leading candidate. Because one of the leading
candidates is likely to win, all the rest of the rankings of non-leading
candidates hardly matter at all.
In any election, there will be two candidates who are the strongest in
terms of popular support, and thus the most likely to win. Consequently (to
grossly over-simplify the process) with any voting system that permits
ranking, groups of voters will tend to coalesce around support for these
two leading candidates to encourage everyone to support their preferred
leading candidate. Eventually two major parties arise, and everyone who
doesn't join one of these two major parties is excluded.
So once voters and candidates figure this out, any such voting system
ends up devolving into the dominance of two major parties that we get with
simple plurality voting. In fact, one might argue that plurality voting is
better just because it is simpler.
But Approval Voting avoids this problem. Equal-rank approval votes mean
voters don't get the option to express their preferred ranking, but because
of that, they aren't at all motivated to bias their ranking dishonestly.
They only have to decide which candidates to approve, or where the cut-off
is between approval and disapproval.
Given that there are, as before, two leading candidates, how does
Approval Voting affect whether one of those two leading candidates will
win? One of the two leading candidates is likely to win even with Approval
Voting, so it would appear there is no benefit, but that would be a
short-sighted way to judge a voting system. In subsequent elections, it
would seem likely that more candidates will run who have broader appeal to
ALL voters, not just a majority or plurality. Because the winning
candidates will be those who are most approved of by the most voters, there
will be no value in parties that typically focus on appealing to no more
than half of the voters.
So I suspect the long-term use of Approval Voting would be
self-correcting toward better and better representation of ALL voters, not
just half the voters, because in each election, almost all of the voters
contribute to choosing the winning candidates, and that only gets better
over time as the candidates who decide to run get closer to receiving the
approval of all voters.
Can any other voting system claim a similar long-term effect? Even a
voting system with three ranks, e.g. Approve, Neutral, Disapprove, would
encourage voters to approve one of the leading candidates, and give neutral
or disapprove votes to the rest. I wonder if Approval Voting might be the
ONLY system that has this long-term effect.
What I am aiming for is a voting system that self-corrects over time.
No matter what voting system we choose, there is probably always going to
be at least some small bias, some inequities or incompleteness. So we need
to understand this and deal with it.
But one important question should not be overlooked: What do we want to
self-correct toward? That is, what is the long-term goal? I believe we
should want to move toward a closer or better representation of society as
a whole, but there are other ways to look at that.
Looking forward to reading your feedback.
--
Daniel LaLiberte
daniel.laliberte@gmail.com
Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list
info
Regarding my done-with "discussion" with Robert, I don't want to sound
unfair to Condorcet in that discussion.
wv Condorcet is truncation-proof, and only burial can threaten a CWs.
But:
1. RP(margins) isn't wv Condorcet. Condorcet(margins) is vulnerable to
strategic or innocent (inadvertent, principled, hurried, etc.) truncation,
which can easily take the win away from a CWs.
Also, as a result, FBC is spoiled more easily with margins Condorcet.
2. Condorcetists seem to forget that, just because you like the CWs, that
doesn't mean that everyone does. Say the CWs is in your strong top-set, and
that the other wing is your strong bottom-set.
Then isn't most likely that the CWs is in the other wing's strong
bottom-set?
That means that they're pretty much indifferent between the CWs and the
candidates of your wing.
They really have nothing to lose by buring, and risking the election of
someone they like (negligibly) less than the CWs.
That could easily lead to the perpetual burial fiasco.
The good thing about that is that continual penalized burials by the
opposite wing will keep electing from your wing.
But let's not claim that Condorcet is sure to elect the CWs, as some
Condorcetists claim.
MAM is pretty good, and if continual penalized burial by the opposite wing
will keep electing from my wing, I have no problem with that.
But the possibility of a successful burial spoils FBC, in Condorcet.
And, unless a burial is countered by plumping by the CWs's voters, then the
burial works.
All rank methods are subject to burial strategy, and all are vulnerable to
un-deterred burial of a CWs whom the buriers don't like much more than the
opposite wing--maybe a CWs who is in their strong bottoom-set.
But:
Though MDDAsc isn't fully truncation-proof (because of the
symmetric-completion), and though refusal to rank or approve past the CWs
can't be counted on the prevent a burial from resulting in everyone being
majority-disqualified, MDDAsc has the extra line-of-defense of your
approvals. If you, and many like you, don't rank or approve past the CWs,
or past the candidates you like (maybe your strong top-set), then those
approvals, just as in Approval, can prevent the election of someone
disapproved by a majoriity, when the CWs is approved by a majority.
MDDAsc's approval largely fixes or avoids the pairwise-count problems.
About Approval:
Robert was insisting on holding to the belief that it's essential that we
choose _among_ our strong top-set, instead of just choosing that set over
the strong bottom-set.
As I've said, that insistence results in an increased probability of
electing from one's strong bottom-set.
So, all the strategy problems that Robert was bringing up were the result
of that insistence and goal. That goal isn't what Approval is for.
I tried to get it across that Approval is about a completely different kind
of voting.
Well, that's an example of something that I've been saying: A lot of people
want rankings. A lot of people (overcompromisers & rival parties) might
need rankings, to avoid their voting errors.
Anyway, I've quit that "discussion" because an angry flamewarrior-assertion
attack-rant isn't discussion, and it was evident that my effort for a
discussion there was futile.
Michael Ossipoff
On Thu, Nov 24, 2016 at 6:34 PM, Michael Ossipoff <email9648742@gmail.com>
wrote:
> Daniel--
>
> I'd said:
>
>
>> There are other reasons why Approval is the best:
>>>
>>> If you're a progressive (and everyone in the 99% would benefit
>>> tremendously from an honest, progressive government), then there are two
>>> blatantly, sharply-distinct sets of candidates: Progressives and
>>> Republocrats. It's a matter of honest & progressive, vs corrupt, dishonest
>>> and corporate-owned.
>>>
>>> That's an instance of what I call a "strong top-set" and a "strong
>>> bottom-set", defined as follows:
>>>
>>> A strong top-set and a strong bottom-set are two sets of candidates such
>>> that the merit difference _between_ the sets is incomparably more important
>>> than the merit difference _within_ the sets.
>>>
>>> In other words the merit difference within the sets is entirely
>>> negligible in comparison to the merit difference between the sets.
>>>
>>> Your goal, then, is just to elect from your strong top-set.
>>>
>>> That's innomparably more important than choosing among your strong
>>> top-set, or trying to keep one strong bottom-set member from winning
>>> instead of another strong bottom-set member.
>>>
>>> ...and of course it's the strong top-set that you prefer to the strong
>>> bottom-set.
>>>
>>> Approval could be called "Set-Voting". It's a perfect match for what you
>>> want to do: Maximize the probability of electing from your strong top-set.
>>>
>>> Approval asks the right question.
>>>
>>> For the person who has a strong top-set and a strong bottom-set, it's
>>> possible to say what the objective best method is: It's Approval.
>>>
>>
> You replied:
>
>
>>
>> What about for people who do not have such a clear distinction between
>> the top and bottom sets?
>>
>
> Yes, that situation could exist when we have democracy, and an authentic
> political system. Then, as I mentioned, members of the 99% likely wouldn't
> have a bottom-set, because the Republocrats would no longer be winnable,
> and would no longer be in the elections.
>
>
>> Where they draw the line is a harder decision and will probably factor in
>> the likelihood that various candidates will win.
>>
>
> Yes, if such information is available. But now, with our intentionally
> disinformational media, there isn't any predictive information that's any
> good.
>
> ...except for the few honest polls that aren't so blatantly avoidably
> sample-biased.
> I discussed one such in my previous reply. But few people ever hear of
> those polls, and, for most people, the mass-media are the
> information-source. For those people, it's definitely a 0-info election.
> That's why I'd urge people to just disregard purported predictive
> "information", if we were to somehow get Approval voting now.
>
> Say your preferences are A>B>C, and you have good reliable information
> that A won't be competitive, and that it will effectively be between only B
> & C.
>
> Then, if you don't have strong top & bottom sets, and therefore you're
> voting to maximize your expectation, then you'd of course approve both A &
> B.
>
> In general, absent strong top & bottom sets, you'd vote to maximize your
> expectation. Specifically, if you additionally have good predictive
> information, you'd use it, as described immediately above.
>
> But, for these days, forget about the election really being between two
> purported frontrunners.
>
> So then, what do you do when there's no good predictive information?
>
> For one thing, the merit differences between successive candidates in your
> ranking might not be the same.
>
> Say your merit ranking is A>B>>C, meaning that C is farther below B than B
> is below A. Then, given the more important distinction between B and C, as
> compared to between A & B. So, with 0-info, it would be natural to approve
> both A & B.
>
>
> Other ways of looking at 0-info strategy:
>
> With no strong top & bottom sets, you could still vote to maximize your
> expectation, with a 0-info strategy:
>
> Given some way (that I'll get to in a minute) to estimate what is the
> likely result-merit to expect, then you can maximize your expectation by
> approving down to that merit-level. Why that's so:
>
> If a certain merit is expected for the result, then of course if you
> approve someone better than that, you raise your expectation some. And if
> you approve someone worse than that, then you worsen your expectation.
>
> So you can maximize your expectation by approving (only) all of the
> candidates who are better than the expected result-merit.
>
> So how would you estimate the expected result-merit, in a 0-info election?:
>
> Several estimates are suggested, the choice depending on your assumption
> about how the candidate-distribution is related to the voter-distribution.
>
> It isn't certain whether your approval cutoff should the mean, the median,
> or the midrange of the candidates' merit.
>
> If you don't believe that the candidates' distribution is close to the
> voters' distribution (and if a 1-dimensional political spectrum is
> assumed), then it's probably best to approve down to the midrange of the
> candidates' merit.
>
> That's a rough estimate of the merit-level where the middle of the
> voting-population is, and is a rough estimate of your expected
> result-merit. ...the point that you want to approve down to.
>
> But, if there's some reason to believe that the candidate-distribution is
> similar to the voter-distribution, then the mean or median could be better.
>
> If voters & candidates are similarly distributed, candidates tending to be
> where voters are, then each candidate would have similar proximity to the
> same number of voters, makinig them all equally likelly to win. That's the
> assumption that justifies the candidate merit-mean as the expected
> result-merit and a good approval cutoff.
>
> It might not be easy to estimate the candidate merit-mean, in which case
> the median could be used. The median could be used as an estimate of the
> mean. Then, just approve the best half of the candidates.
>
> That's a reasonable estimate, because, if voters & candidates have the
> same distsribution, then the merit-region with half of the candidates could
> be expected to contain half of the voters.
>
> So that's how you could do expectation-maximization strategy in a 0-info
> election.
>
> But I emphasize that, in a 0-info election (or even in any election) it
> isn't necessary to do expectation-maximization strategy.
>
> Say, because there aren't strong top & bottom sets, it isn't as obvious
> where to put the approval-cutoff. If it's really uncertain whether (for
> example) you want to approve {A,B} against {C}, or to approve {A} against
> {B,C}.
>
> I point out that, if you don't know which is the set that you want to
> approve against the worse candidates, then _it doesn't matter_. If you
> don't know which is better, then is either way of voting better than the
> other? I suggest no.
>
> So, if someone isn't interested in expectation-maximization strategy, then
> they needn't use it. The strategies that I discussed earlier are only for
> people who like them, who like strategy.
>
> ...because, if you don't know which way of voting is better, then neither
> is better than the other.
>
> You could flp a coin. If the method were Score (which is best regarded as
> Approval with fractional approvals allowed), then you could give candidate
> B half-maximum points. Flipping a coin is the probabilistic way to achieve
> that. ...giving the same result when there are a lot of voters.
>
> Anyway, of course, when there are no strong top & bottom sets, then if you
> feel better about one way of approving (like approving only A, or approving
> A & B), then _that's_ the best way to approve. No need to question whether
> that's right or best. It's right & best.
>
>
>>
>>> Now, some people want to have it both ways. They want to elect from
>>> their strong top-set, but they also want the luxury of choosing _among_
>>> that set.
>>>
>>> It doesn't work that way. You can't have it both ways.
>>>
>>> If a voting-system allows you a choice between casting an effective
>>> approval-set vote, or ranking the candidates in order of preference , and
>>> you choose the latter, then you're increasing the probability of electing
>>> from your strong bottom-set
>>>
>>
>> I assume you mean ranking candidates honestly. So the choice with a
>> ranking system seems to come down to:
>>
>> 1. Rank honestly and risk electing from the strong bottom-set, or
>> 2. Rank strategically by ranking one of the leading candidates in the
>> top-set higher than your favorite, and risk that your favorite might not
>> win.
>>
>
> If you want to maximize the probability of electing from your strong
> top-set, then you should equal top-rank all of them, and bottom-rank (by
> not ranking them) your strong bottom-set.
>
>
>> But what happens if you can rank a leading candidate and your favorite
>> the same? Then you avoid that dilemma, right?
>>
>
> Yes. Top-rank all of your strong top-set, to maximize the probability of
> electing one of them.
>
>
>> This is what happens, in part, with Approval Voting at least regarding
>> those two candidates. So let me add this third alternative.
>>
>> 3. Rank one of your preferred leading candidates and your favorite
>> candidate the same, and avoid the above risks.
>>
>
> Yes. Top-rank all of your strong top-set.
>
>
>>
>> And if this is true, then my guess is that the same applies to all the
>> rest of the candidates you might otherwise rank lower. In other words,
>> giving them all the same rank, as in Approval Voting, avoids the problems
>> of ranking them according to your honest preferences.
>>
>
> Yes, that's the best vote.
>
> [replying farther down] :
>
>
>>
>>
>>> So, rank methods don't improve on Approval. As I said, improvements on
>>> Approval are illusory.
>>>
>>> Well, the nearest thing to a "problem" that Approval has is the
>>> chicken-dilemma, and some rank methods can avoid the chicken-dilemma.
>>>
>>> That's the only genuine excuse to use a rank-method. There are methods
>>> that both avoid chicken-dilemma, and meet FBC. The best way to use such a
>>> method is to top-rank all of your strong top-set, and not rank any of your
>>> strong bottom-set.
>>>
>>> ...and, if there's a chicken-dilemma, then you can make use of that
>>> rank-method's way of deterring chicken-dilemma defection...as the only
>>> exception from voting as in Approval, by top-ranking your strong top-set.
>>>
>>> That's really the only justification for a rank method.
>>>
>>
>> Maybe the way to consider the chicken dilemma is in the context of what
>> happens over time.
>>
>
> Yes. But the immediately current election can be important too, aside from
> the obvious long-term incentives to not defect.
>
> Let me briefly re-state the chicken-dilemma:
>
> Its standard example is where a majority prefer A & B to C, and the
> size-order of the factions is: C>A>B, and the C voters are indifferent
> between A & B, and don't vote between them:
>
> In a current election, there are several ways that chicken dilemma can be
> mitigated or dealt with:
>
> 1. Maybe it's obvious to all that the A faction is most likely larger than
> the B faction. The A voters could say to the B voters:
>
> We're bigger, and so, between A & B, we're the rightful winner. You should
> therefore support A. For that reason, and to not encourage you to defect
> and take advantage of our co-operativeness, we're only approving A. If you
> defect, C will win. Support the larger of {A,B}, and help us to keep C from
> winning.
>
>
> 2. Or maybe it isn't obvious which of {A,B} is has a larger faction.
>
> The A voters could give B just the amount of vote that would be enough to
> enable A to beat C if the A faction is bigger than the B faction. They
> could point out to the B voters that they should do the same.
>
> Example:
>
> Say the best estimate available is that the C faction is 40% of the voters.
>
> The A voters could say to the B voters:
>
> C probably will get about 40%, as the best estimate.
>
> Suppose that the A & B factions are about equal. Suppose that you have
> 31%, and we have 29%.
>
> We're going to give you just enough votes to win.
>
> We're going to give you 10%. Then you'll have 41%, to C's 40%. You'll win.
>
> We'll do that by each of us giving you 10/29 of a vote.
>
> But, just in case it's we who have 31%, and you who have 29%, each of you
> should likewise give us 10/29 of a vote.
>
> With you having 31%, and us having 29%, then you're giving us:
>
> 31 X (10/29) = 10.69
>
> 29 + 10.69 = 39.69
>
> That's less than your 41%, and you win, with more votes than us and more
> votes than C.
>
> 3. If the B voters were organizing a defection, or even if a lot of B
> voters felt like defecting, either way it would be discussed, and would be
> overheard, and couldn't remain secret. So the A voters could say to the B
> voters, "We hear that you're considering defecting. So we won't approve B.
> So you should approve A, the larger, or at least the more honest, of the
> {A,B} factions, so that C
>
> But, as you suggested, the situation is better-still in the longterm
>
> 4. The B voters would know that if they defect, then they'll be out of
> luck next time they need help from the A voters. They won't be able to
> expect any help from the A voters.
>
> 5. In fact, the A voters could announce a specific strategy of
> "Tit-For-Tat":
>
> The A voters will start by co-operating, and then subsequently will do
> whatever the B voters did in the previous election (co-operate or defect).
>
>
> I would expect that repeated applications of Approval Voting will result
>> in having more candidates run who will appeal to many more voters. We're
>> not used to thinking in terms of the broad appeal, such as what Bernie has
>> gotten, and he had a huge struggle just getting noticed, at first.
>>
>
> Not for any reason other than a media blackout. Emails between the DNC and
> the Hillary campaign established a common goal to, by whatever dirty tricks
> necessary, make sure that Bernie doesn't win the nomination.
>
> Bernie's media access & support was a tiny fraction of Hillary's.
>
> And it would be naive to believe that that the effort didn't include
> count-fraud.
>
> Most likely Bernie won the primary. It's pretty much agreed all-around
> that Bernie was the candidate who was popular enough to easily beat Donald
> in an honest count, and that Hillary was the only person who could lose to
> Donald in an honest count.
>
> So why would the Democrats nominate Hillary, the despised likely loser?
> There's no reason to call that an "error" or "mistake". Our rulers main
> purpose in an election is to avoid the election of someone honest, ethical
> and unbought. That's incomparably more important to ruling interest, than
> the matter of whether the winner is a Democrat or a Republican. Therefore,
> the nomination of likely-loser Hillary was the best strategy for the
> regime, whose only risk to continued rule would be the election of someone
> honest.
>
> Why would the regime have any intention of letting itself be voted out of
> power?
>
> Why should it leave that to chance, or to us, the voters?
>
> As for the Hillary-Donald election, who knows whether or not it was
> honestly-counted. It wouldn't & doesn't matter.
>
>
>
>
>> I expect more like Bernie will come out of the woodwork if they were
>> rewarded for doing so.
>>
>
> Yes, admittedly there isn't much reason for progressives to run now. And
> people know very well that they can't win ...but not for the reason that
> they might think. Bernie or Jill could get 100% of the votes, and wouldn't
> "win"
> .
>
>
>>
>> Anyway, the result of having more candidates that most voters like is
>> that it won't matter so much that there are three candidates who are close
>> enough in popularity to possibly result in a surprising win by the slightly
>> less popular candidate.
>>
>
> It would be "harder" to choose, when there are no bad candidates, and so
> many good ones. That wouldn't be a bad thing.
>
>
>>
>> Then again, the chicken dilemma might be a motivation for cooperating
>> between similar candidates to pick one of them rather than letting all
>> run. I.e. parties.
>>
>
> Sure, maybe there'd be come negotiation between the parties & factions, a
> sort of people's primary. But of course that wouldn't be nearly as
> necessary with Approval as it would be with Plurailty.
>
> If the count were honest, and the voting-system is Plurality, then the
> progressives' best strategy would be to all vote for the most popular &
> best-known progressive candidate. That's Jill Stein. (Bernie has proved to
> be really a Hillary-promoter).
>
> This posting is already long, so I'll post it now, as Part 2.
>
> Part 3 will be along no later than tomorrow morning (Friday, November
> 25th).
>
> (I don't have a way to delete texts. All of my replies in this posting are
> above this point.)
>
> Michael Ossipoff
>
>
>
>
>>
>>
>>> But, for some electorates, maybe ours here, there's a _psychological_
>>> need for rankings. Some overcompromisers (as I said) would insist on
>>> approving Hillary, along with Jill.
>>>
>>> But some of those, if they had a rank-method, would be content to rank
>>> Hillary a little below Jill. For them, the rank method improved their
>>> voting. For that type of overcompromiser, a rank method softens their
>>> voting errors.
>>>
>>> Ranking can likewise soften the voting errors of rival parties who are
>>> so inimical (though close in policy proposals) that they'd refuse to
>>> approve eachother in Aproval.
>>>
>>>
>> Don't know if I care about such cases. Maybe we should punish (or not
>> reward) all the rival parties who are so inimical even though they are
>> close in policy proposals.
>>
>> Again, I think it is useful to think where Approval Voting, or other
>> systems, are likely to take us. What we have currently is widely
>> recognized as an aberration, which is, I believe, a repeated result of the
>> application of Plurality Voting, which creates two dominant parties that
>> concentrate more and more over time, as they increasingly ignore the rest
>> of the people until they can't stand it any longer.
>>
>> So we shouldn't judge Approval Voting, or other systems, strictly on how
>> they would respond to our current situation.
>>
>>
>>
>>> So rankings can soften voting errors, for rivals and for some
>>> overcompromisers.
>>>
>>> ...but not for all overcompromisers. Some overcompromisers are so
>>> overcompromising that the only thing that can keep them from voting
>>> Compromise over Favorite is if they have an opportunity to rank them both
>>> at top, with the assurance that top-voting Favorite can't possibly hurt
>>> Compromise. ....in other words, for them, the method must allow equal
>>> top-voting, and must meet FBC.
>>>
>>
>> As I suggested above. Yeah!
>>
>>
>>
>>> So, what kind of method would meet the needs of both of those 2 kinds of
>>> overcompromisers? It would be a method that allows equal top-voting, meets
>>> FBC, but also allows ranking. ...and preferably it should give good
>>> protection of higher-ranked candidates against lower-ranked ones.
>>>
>>
>>
>>> There are a number of good methods that have those attributes. Bucklin
>>> is the familiar one, During the Progressive Era, Bucklin was used in at
>>> leasts 39 cities.
>>>
>>> There are others too.
>>>
>>
>> I'll have to think about it some more, but I am not sure the complexity
>> of more than one level of ranking is worth the trouble and risk, especially
>> for the current level of society. But I wouldn't want to exclude it, if
>> there is value and it can be applied reliably.
>>
>>
>>
>>> But I've only been talking about the _psychological_ need for ranking.
>>> But I mentioned earlier that, disregarding that psychological need, there's
>>> really only one genuine practical use for a rank-method: Avoiding chicken
>>> dilemma.
>>>
>>> Chicken dilemma protection is very costly in terms of problems that come
>>> with it, to the detriment of other properties. ...especially to the
>>> detriment of the method's general protection of higher middle-ranked
>>> candidates against lower-ranked ones and unranked ones.
>>>
>>> But, because the chicken dilemma is a genuine reason to use rankings,
>>> and the only genuine reason, I'd prefer to have chicken dilemma
>>> protection,even at the cost of general protection of middle-ranked
>>> candidates.
>>>
>>
>> Again, I am not sure the chicken dilemma is necessarily as severe a
>> problem as you make it sound, once we stabilize around new political
>> patterns that result from years of Approval Voting, but I'll have to think
>> about it more.
>>
>>
>>> We've been discussing a few methods that meet FBC, have a way of
>>> avoiding chicken dilemma, and give as good a general protection to
>>> mid-ranked candidates as can be gotten in a method that meets FBC & avoids
>>> chicken dilemma.
>>>
>>> They're Simmons' method ( MDDA(pt/2) ), and MMPO(pt/2).
>>>
>>> MMPO(pt/2)'s chicken dilemma deterrence is automatic, but its general
>>> protection of middle-ranked candidates is uniformly questionable, chancy,
>>> something of a crapshoot.
>>>
>>> Simmons' method does a top job of that general protection for the
>>> middle-ranked candidates against whom you aren't using the chicken-dilemma
>>> defection-deterence measure (...which consists of denying them approval)..
>>>
>>> With that, I'll conclude this note.
>>>
>>> Michael Ossipoff
>>>
>>>
>>>
>>>
>>>
>>>
>>>
>>>
>>> On Mon, Nov 21, 2016 at 1:08 AM, Daniel LaLiberte <
>>> daniel.laliberte@gmail.com> wrote:
>>>
>>>> This message is about two related subjects:
>>>>
>>>> 1. Factoring in the long-term emergent effects of each voting system.
>>>> 2. An example of how Approval Voting results in better long-term
>>>> effects.
>>>>
>>>> Among the many criteria for evaluating voting systems (
>>>> https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voting_system#Evaluating_voti
>>>> ng_systems_using_criteria) I don't see any that address the long-term
>>>> effects of using each voting system. In other words, the effect on one
>>>> election is certainly important, regarding the satisfaction of the election
>>>> results by voters and candidates. But I would argue that it is even more
>>>> important to consider the long-term effects that emerge when applying a
>>>> voting system repeatedly over many elections. A small bias one way or
>>>> another may not be very apparent if you only look at one election, but over
>>>> may elections, they can add up and perhaps compound the bias exponentially.
>>>>
>>>> There are many long-term effects to consider, but in particular, I am
>>>> thinking of one pernicious problem: the tendency for two major parties to
>>>> emerge and dominate all politics which results from the repeated
>>>> application of plurality voting. This problem is fairly easy for most
>>>> people to understand, although I am surprised to see that there seems to be
>>>> a lot of denial about this effect as well. Some would even defend having
>>>> only two major parties, or very few parties. That is an interesting
>>>> subject to discuss, but regardless, I believe we should be aware of how our
>>>> choice of a voting system will affect things over time, how society is
>>>> likely to evolve based on the rules we lay down, and in fact, how it is
>>>> actually very likely that the dominant forces in society will quickly and
>>>> vociferously defend whatever rules resulted in their rise to dominance.
>>>>
>>>> But back to this one question, studies and long-term experience have
>>>> shown that other voting systems besides plurality, in particular IRV, also
>>>> result in the dominance of two major parties. This may be more surprising
>>>> to people, but looking at the underlying cause, it seems we can make a
>>>> rather important simplifying argument about most voting systems regarding
>>>> this problem. I would assert that the underlying cause of this problem of
>>>> two-party dominance in any voting system is that it gives voters the
>>>> ability to rank or order at least one candidate higher than the rest.
>>>>
>>>> The reason this ability to rank candidates becomes a problem is the
>>>> spoiler effect, where voters will have a strong motivation to give their
>>>> highest rank to one of the leading candidates. If they don't, then they
>>>> weaken the chance of that candidate winning and therefore strengthen the
>>>> chance of the less preferred leading candidate. Because one of the leading
>>>> candidates is likely to win, all the rest of the rankings of non-leading
>>>> candidates hardly matter at all.
>>>>
>>>> In any election, there will be two candidates who are the strongest in
>>>> terms of popular support, and thus the most likely to win. Consequently (to
>>>> grossly over-simplify the process) with any voting system that permits
>>>> ranking, groups of voters will tend to coalesce around support for these
>>>> two leading candidates to encourage everyone to support their preferred
>>>> leading candidate. Eventually two major parties arise, and everyone who
>>>> doesn't join one of these two major parties is excluded.
>>>>
>>>> So once voters and candidates figure this out, any such voting system
>>>> ends up devolving into the dominance of two major parties that we get with
>>>> simple plurality voting. In fact, one might argue that plurality voting is
>>>> better just because it is simpler.
>>>>
>>>> But Approval Voting avoids this problem. Equal-rank approval votes mean
>>>> voters don't get the option to express their preferred ranking, but because
>>>> of that, they aren't at all motivated to bias their ranking dishonestly.
>>>> They only have to decide which candidates to approve, or where the cut-off
>>>> is between approval and disapproval.
>>>>
>>>> Given that there are, as before, two leading candidates, how does
>>>> Approval Voting affect whether one of those two leading candidates will
>>>> win? One of the two leading candidates is likely to win even with Approval
>>>> Voting, so it would appear there is no benefit, but that would be a
>>>> short-sighted way to judge a voting system. In subsequent elections, it
>>>> would seem likely that more candidates will run who have broader appeal to
>>>> ALL voters, not just a majority or plurality. Because the winning
>>>> candidates will be those who are most approved of by the most voters, there
>>>> will be no value in parties that typically focus on appealing to no more
>>>> than half of the voters.
>>>>
>>>> So I suspect the long-term use of Approval Voting would be
>>>> self-correcting toward better and better representation of ALL voters, not
>>>> just half the voters, because in each election, almost all of the voters
>>>> contribute to choosing the winning candidates, and that only gets better
>>>> over time as the candidates who decide to run get closer to receiving the
>>>> approval of all voters.
>>>>
>>>> Can any other voting system claim a similar long-term effect? Even a
>>>> voting system with three ranks, e.g. Approve, Neutral, Disapprove, would
>>>> encourage voters to approve one of the leading candidates, and give neutral
>>>> or disapprove votes to the rest. I wonder if Approval Voting might be the
>>>> ONLY system that has this long-term effect.
>>>>
>>>> What I am aiming for is a voting system that self-corrects over time.
>>>> No matter what voting system we choose, there is probably always going to
>>>> be at least some small bias, some inequities or incompleteness. So we need
>>>> to understand this and deal with it.
>>>>
>>>> But one important question should not be overlooked: What do we want to
>>>> self-correct toward? That is, what is the long-term goal? I believe we
>>>> should want to move toward a closer or better representation of society as
>>>> a whole, but there are other ways to look at that.
>>>>
>>>> Looking forward to reading your feedback.
>>>>
>>>> --
>>>> Daniel LaLiberte
>>>> daniel.laliberte@gmail.com
>>>>
>>>> ----
>>>> Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list
>>>> info
>>>>
>>>>
>>>
>>
>>
>> --
>> Daniel LaLiberte
>> daniel.laliberte@gmail.com
>>
>
>
DL
Daniel LaLiberte
Sun, Nov 27, 2016 8:10 PM
voters shouldn't have to worry about "predictive information" in casting
their vote. they should not have to face tactical voting in the polls in
any common case.
Exactly. That's one reason why like Approval, and why I agree with David
that it's the best method (except that chicken-dilemma protected methods do
bring some improvement).
Assuming you meant me, I would like to agree with your "Exactly" but I
think we need to clarify a couple things to avoid a misunderstandings we
seem to be having with Robert.
I agree that we should probably prefer to use a voting system in which it
is safest to avoid using predictive information about likely winners. I
say
"probably" because I don't think that should be the highest criteria,
depending on how unreliable the predictive information is, and moreover,
because of what should be the highest weighed criteria.
But another important point is that, just as there is no perfect voting
system, I suspect there is NO voting system for which it can be considered
completely safe to ignore all predictive information all the time. That
is, we ALWAYS need to consider predictive information to some degree at
least some of the time no matter which voting system we use. Is this claim
correct? Does "tactical" or "strategic" voting always involve this
predictive information?
If it is true that there is always going to be some tactical aspect to
voting for any voting system, then we should try to minimize the negative
aspects of when it needs to be applied.
In the case of all ranking systems, I claimed that it is necessary to rank
one of the frontrunners highest, or you risk a win by one of your less
favored frontrunners. I'm not sure I got an affirmative answer to this
broad claim. In which ranking systems would it be completely safe for
voters to ignore who the frontrunners are?
In the case of Approval Voting, I admit is necessary to decide where you
cut off approvals, and if it is in the neighborhood of one of the likely
frontrunners, then you have to balance your degree of approval of those
frontrunner candidates with their likelihood of winning. On the other
hand, it is NOT necessary to be tactical in ordering the candidates that
you approve or disapprove, other than finding that cut-off point because
Approval Voting doesn't give you a choice in that.
But as Michael says, and I agree, this one tactical decision is not as much
of an issue once elections have evolved to the point where the most likely
winning candidates are also the most approved by voters. And that is an
overriding factor in my mind.
In contrast to the criterion of having to be strategic (in any way that
might be required), I believe that the most important criteria should be
the "fairness" of the outcome. And by "fairness" I mean in the sense of
how well the election represents the will of the people, at least in the
short-term. But since that word is probably fairly (heh) subjective and
overloaded because different people will have different conflicting views
of what is "fair", I am fine with replacing it with something more
specific.
Stability in the long-term is another criterion that, when combined with
"my fairness", I would tend to prefer. However, the chicken dilemma adds a
bit of instability, which, if it is not to shocking and destabilizing,
might actually be a benefit to a system that could otherwise become too
entrenched.
--
Daniel LaLiberte
daniel.laliberte@gmail.com
On Tue, Nov 22, 2016 at 8:25 PM, Michael Ossipoff <email9648742@gmail.com>
wrote:
> Robert--
>
> You wrote:
>
>> voters shouldn't have to worry about "predictive information" in casting
>> their vote. they should not have to face tactical voting in the polls in
>> any common case.
>>
> Exactly. That's one reason why like Approval, and why I agree with David
> that it's the best method (except that chicken-dilemma protected methods do
> bring some improvement).
>
>
Assuming you meant me, I would like to agree with your "Exactly" but I
think we need to clarify a couple things to avoid a misunderstandings we
seem to be having with Robert.
I agree that we should probably prefer to use a voting system in which it
is safest to avoid using predictive information about likely winners. I
say
"probably" because I don't think that should be the highest criteria,
depending on how unreliable the predictive information is, and moreover,
because of what should be the highest weighed criteria.
But another important point is that, just as there is no perfect voting
system, I suspect there is NO voting system for which it can be considered
completely safe to ignore all predictive information all the time. That
is, we ALWAYS need to consider predictive information to some degree at
least some of the time no matter which voting system we use. Is this claim
correct? Does "tactical" or "strategic" voting always involve this
predictive information?
If it is true that there is always going to be some tactical aspect to
voting for any voting system, then we should try to minimize the negative
aspects of when it needs to be applied.
In the case of all ranking systems, I claimed that it is necessary to rank
one of the frontrunners highest, or you risk a win by one of your less
favored frontrunners. I'm not sure I got an affirmative answer to this
broad claim. In which ranking systems would it be completely safe for
voters to ignore who the frontrunners are?
In the case of Approval Voting, I admit is necessary to decide where you
cut off approvals, and if it is in the neighborhood of one of the likely
frontrunners, then you have to balance your degree of approval of those
frontrunner candidates with their likelihood of winning. On the other
hand, it is NOT necessary to be tactical in ordering the candidates that
you approve or disapprove, other than finding that cut-off point because
Approval Voting doesn't give you a choice in that.
But as Michael says, and I agree, this one tactical decision is not as much
of an issue once elections have evolved to the point where the most likely
winning candidates are also the most approved by voters. And that is an
overriding factor in my mind.
In contrast to the criterion of having to be strategic (in any way that
might be required), I believe that the most important criteria should be
the "fairness" of the outcome. And by "fairness" I mean in the sense of
how well the election represents the will of the people, at least in the
short-term. But since that word is probably fairly (heh) subjective and
overloaded because different people will have different conflicting views
of what is "fair", I am fine with replacing it with something more
specific.
Stability in the long-term is another criterion that, when combined with
"my fairness", I would tend to prefer. However, the chicken dilemma adds a
bit of instability, which, if it is not to shocking and destabilizing,
might actually be a benefit to a system that could otherwise become too
entrenched.
--
Daniel LaLiberte
daniel.laliberte@gmail.com